Biological Research on Women's Sexual Orientations: Evaluating the Scientific Evidence

Journal of Social Issues, Summer, 2000 by Rosemary C. Veniegas, Terri D. Conley

Rosemary C. Veniegas [*]

The importance of biological influences on sexual orientation is hotly debated. This article summarizes public opinions about the causes of sexual orientations and documents shifts over time toward greater endorsement of biological rather than environmental explanations. Next, empirical evidence concerning neuroendocrine and genetic explanations of women's sexual orientation is reviewed. Currently, there is no convincing evidence that biological factors are a determining influence on women's sexual orientations. In some research areas, the data on women are incomplete. In areas where adequate research is available, studies on women do not conclusively support biological hypotheses. Implications of these findings are considered.

What role do biological factors play in determining whether a woman is heterosexual, lesbian, or bisexual? Religious leaders, talk show hosts, and the general public frequently ask this question, with some arguing that biology is crucial to the development of sexual orientation and others emphasizing the role of experience or personal choice. The causes of sexual orientation are hotly debated everywhere from advice columns to Congress (Landers, 1992; Sullivan, 1984). This article briefly reviews Americans' beliefs about the causes of sexual orientation and documents an increased acceptance of biological explanations. Next, a systematic review of the biological research is presented and produces little evidence that biology plays a determining role in the development of women's sexual orientation. Finally, the policy implications of biological research on sexual orientation are discussed.

Beliefs About the Causes of Sexual Orientation

Public opinion polls and smaller surveys describe what most of the public believes about the causes of sexual orientation. Summarizing the work on this topic is difficult because of differences in the samples studied, the wording of items, and the time periods covered.

Public Opinions About the Causes of Homosexuality

From 1977 to 1999 the Gallup organization asked random samples of Americans over the age of 18, "In your view, is homosexuality something a person is born with or is homosexuality due to other factors such as upbringing or environment?" (Newport, 1998). Approximately a third of the respondents gave responses such as "both," "neither," or "no opinion." The proportion of people endorsing "born with" as an explanation for homosexuality has dramatically increased from 13% in 1977 to 34% in 1999. In comparison, the proportion of people endorsing "upbringing or environment" declined somewhat, from 56% in 1977 to 44% in 1999. The number of people endorsing the biological explanation that people are "born" gay or lesbian has more than doubled in the past 2 decades. Thus, national polls indicate increased acceptance of biological explanations compared with other explanations.

Sexual-Minority Women's Opinions About the Causes of Their Sexual Orientations

Whereas national polls have focused on homosexuality in general, smaller convenience sample studies have focused on lesbian or bisexual women's opinions about their own sexual orientations. One survey asked 191 lesbians, "Why are you a lesbian?" (Chapman & Brannock, 1987). A majority (63%) said they "preferred women," 20% reported having "no choice," and 11% responded with "don't know." In another study, Whisman (1996) analyzed interview transcripts with 39 lesbians who were asked, "Could you tell me how you came to decide that you are gay/a lesbian?" Women were grouped according to whether they believed they had a choice. The majority of lesbians (59%) were categorized as reporting "partial choice," almost a third as reporting "total choice" (31%), and the remaining women as reporting "no choice" (10%). Recent survey results offer another array of opinions. In a survey of 75 lesbian and bisexual women, Herek, Cogan, Gillis, and Glunt (1998, P. 23) asked participants a question concerning "how much choice th ey felt they had about their sexual orientation." The majority of lesbians in the sample (62%) felt that they had "no choice at all" about their sexual orientation. The majority of bisexual women (75%) felt they had a choice in their sexual orientation. Differences in the wording of the questions about sexual orientation, in the nature of recruitment, and in the samples studied may explain these varied results. For example, participants in the Herek et al. (1998) study were attending a gay/lesbian/bisexual street fair and completed their surveys in public. Participants in the previous two studies were recruited through friends or social networks and gave their responses in more private settings. Overall, between one third and two thirds of lesbians and bisexual women believed they had chosen their sexual orientation. The data from these small studies of sexual-minority women's beliefs are inconsistent: Some believe it is a choice, some believe it is not a choice, and others believe it is a combination. In sum mary, comparisons of the attitudes of heterosexuals and sexual-minority women are hampered by the lack of representative sampling of lesbians and bisexual women. Although the available data are not entirely consistent, it appears that sexual-minority women give greater emphasis to personal choice about their own sexual orientation than do national samples considering sexual orientation in general.