Toward a Coherent Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior
Journal of Social Issues, Fall, 2000 by Paul C. Stern
Finally, habit or routine is a distinct type of causal variable. Behavior change often requires breaking old habits and becomes established by creating new ones (Dahlstrand & Biel, 1997). Habit, in the form of standard operating procedure, is also a key factor in environmentally significant organizational behavior.
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The evidence suggests that different types of causal variables are important, depending on the particular behavior (Gardner & Stern, 1996; Stern, 2000). Expensive behaviors such as reinsulating homes are likely to be strongly influenced by monetary factors; difficult behaviors such as reducing automobile use in the suburbs are likely to be strongly influenced by public policy supports (e.g., for alternative transport modes); behaviors that require specialized skills are likely to be strongly influenced by whether or not one possesses those capabilities; and so forth. Such hypotheses, though fairly obvious, do not go without saying. They offer a good starting point for efforts to understand particular environmentally significant behaviors.
Different causal variables also appear to work different ways in influencing behavior. For example, certain attitudinal factors create a general predisposition to act, which may be shaped into specific action largely by personal capabilities and contextual forces. A new context may make old habits untenable and lead someone to consider his or her attitudes and values explicitly in developing new ones (Dahlstrand & Biel, 1997). Or financial incentives may favor behaviors that nevertheless do not occur unless information makes individuals aware that the incentive is available (Stern, 1999).
The insight of the ABC formulation, that the different types of causal factors may interact, implies that interpretations based only on main effects can be seriously misleading. Studies that examine only attitudinal factors are likely to find effects only inconsistently, because the effects are contingent on capabilities and context. Similarly, studies that examine only contextual variables, such as material incentives, social norms, or the introduction of new technology, may find effects but fail to reveal their dependence on individuals' attitudes or beliefs. Single-variable studies may demonstrate that a particular theoretical framework has explanatory power but may not contribute much to the comprehensive understanding of particular environmentally significant behaviors that is needed to change them. I return to this point later.
Toward a Synthesis
The field now needs synthetic theories or models that incorporate variables from more than one of the above broad classes, postulate relationships among them, and use them to explain one or more types of environmentally significant behavior. Researchers are beginning to propose such models (e.g., Dahlstrand & Biel, 1997; Fransson & Garling, 1999; Gardner & Stern, 1996; Hines, Hungerford, & Tomera, 1987; Olander & Thogerson, 1995; Stern & Oskamp, 1987; Vlek, 2000). Some of the models expand on familiar theories of altruistic behavior (e.g., Schwartz, 1977) or planned behavior (e.g., Ajzen, 1991), which emphasize attitudinal factors almost exclusively. Because the new models also take into account personal capabilities, context, and habits, they are more suitable for explaining behaviors that have significant environmental impacts, which are often strongly influenced by such nonattitudinal factors.
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