Meaningful mingling: classicizing imagery and Islamicizing script in a Byzantine bowl

98. Cacharelias, "The Mount Athos Esphigmenou 14 Codex," 174; Athanassiadi, "Byzantine Commentators," 237-52; Weitzmann, Greek Mythology, 66-67; and Magdalino and Mavroudi, The Occult Sciences in Byzantium, passim.

99. A. Adler, ed., Suidae Lexicon, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1931), 534. In his description of an apotropaic coin purportedly depicting the Byzantine Emperor Constantine I, Michael Italikos takes pains to distinguish this Christian device from the magic instruments of Chaldean and Assyrian "theurgists." Maguire, "Magic and Money," 1044.

100. Ogden, Magic, Witchcraft, and Ghosts, 40-41; and idem, Greek and Roman Necromancy, 193.

101. Dennis, Michaelis Pselli orationes, 96-97, lines 2657-61.

102. Weitzmann (Greek Mythology, 65; and idem, "Representations of Hellenic Oracles," 402) acknowledged the pseudo-Arabic motif in the textile but did not comment on it.

103. Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture (London: Routledge, 1998); and Nadia Maria El Cheikh, Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 105-9, 195-98. Regarding Byzantine association of "Arab" learning with astrology in the eighth to early tenth centuries, see Magdalino, L'orthodoxie des astrologues, 55-89; and idem, "The Road to Baghdad in the Thought-World of 9th-Century Byzantium," in Byzantium in the 9th Century: Dead or Alive? ed. Leslie Brubaker (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate Variorum, 1998), 195-214.

104. David Pingree, "Some of the Sources of the Ghayat al-Hakim," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 43 (1980): 4, 13-14; and Maribel Fierro, "Batinism in al-Andalus: Maslama b. Qasim al-Qurtubi (d. 353/964), author of the Rutbat al-Hakim and the Ghayat al-Hakim (Picatrix)," Studia Islamica 84, no. 2 (1996): 87-112.

105. Emilie Savage-Smith, ed., Magic and Divination in Early Islam (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004), esp. xxxi; and Toufic Fahd, La divination arabe: Eludes religieuses, sociologiques el folkloriques sur le milieu natif de l'Islam (1966; reprint, Paris: Sindbad, 1987), 405. Regarding lecanomantic rituals in the modern Arab world that resemble features of late antique practice, see Alexander Fodor, "Arabic Bowl Divination and the Greek Magical Papyri," in Proceedings of the Colloquium on Popular Customs and the Monotheistic Religions in the Middle East and North Africa, ed. Fodor and A. Shivtiel (Budapest: Eotvos Lorand University Chair for Arabic Studies, 1994), 73-101.

106. Emilie Savage-Smith, "Magic-Medicinal Bowls," in Science, Tools, and Magic, pt. 2 (London: Nour Foundation, 1997), 72-87, esp. 76.

107. Savage-Smith, "Magic and Islam," in Science, Tools, and Magic, 60. On the basis of comparison with medieval Islamic magic vessels, it could be argued that the S. Marco bowl was intended as a medical device, but this function is not consistent with the full range of the iconographic program. Only some of the pagan figures depicted possess a connection to ritual healing.