Dietrich Boschung

(13.) Georg Lippold, Kopien und Umbildungen griechischer Statuen (Munich: Oskar Beck, 1923), 2-3, passim.

(14.) Zanker, in Fittschen and Zankar (as in n. 1), 1-2, no. 1; and Klaus Fittschen, in "Die Bildnisse des Augustus," in Soeculum Augustum, ed. Gerhard Binder, vol. 3, Wage dar Forschung, 632 (Darmstadt: Wissensehaftilehe Buchgesellschaft, 1991), 163-64. Both speculate that this type might have been used for the equestrian statue set up in Rostris in 43 B.C.E. On this statue, see further below.

(15.) The dating of this sesterius with the legend DIVOS IVLIVS to Ca. 40 B.C.E. is based on the inscriptions containing the words DIVOM IVLIVM on lead slingshot bullets (glandes plumbeae) used by Octavian's troops in the Perusine War during the winter of 41-40 B.C.E.; see Andreas Alfoldi and Jean-Baptiste Giard, "Guerre civile et propaganda politique: L'emission d'Octave au nom du Divos Julius (41-40 avant J.C.)," Numismatica e Antichita Classiche 13 (1984): 147-53. This sort of evidence, however, is hardly conclusive. DIVOS IVLIVS could have appeared in any medium at any point after the official deification of Caesar in 42 B.C.E.

(16.) The phrase in Rostris need not mean on the Rostra; it could also mean in the area of the Rostra. For the varying numismatic versions of this statue, see John Pollini, "Man or God: Divine Assimilation and Imitation in the Late Republic and Early Principate," in Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate, ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub and Mark Toher (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 343, with further bibliography.

(17.) Velleius Paterculus, 2.61.3; Appian, Belle Civilia 3.51; Cassius Dio, 46.29.2; Cicero, Epistulae ad Brutum 24.7.

(18.) Cf. the Munich Glyptotek "Marius" and "Sulla" portraits: Luca Giuliani, Bildnis und Botschaft: Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Bildniskunst der romischen Republik (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1986), figs. 48-52, with page references.

(19.) For this toning-down effect (Pathosdampfung), see also the comments of Klaus Fittschen, "Pathossteigerung und Pathosdamfung: Bermerkungen zu griechisehen und romischen Portrats des 2. und 1. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.," Archaologischer Anzeiger (1991): 253-70.

(20.) John Pollini, The Portraiture of Gains and Lucius Caesar (New York: Fordham University Press, 1987), cat, no. 5, p1. 7. Otto Brandel, Ikonographie des Kaisers Augustus (Nuremberg: Buchdruckerei Eduard Kreller, 1931), distinguished five types, two of which do not represent Octavian/Augustus.

(21.) See, for example, the recent book by Pat Southern, Augustus (London: Routledge, 1998), p1. 1.

(22.) Pollini (as in n. 20), 59-75, passim.

(23.) See also Bosehung, 59 n. 241, 61 and n. 260.

(24.) The notion of the "heard of mourning" is based on a late source, Cassius Dio (48.34.3), who claims that Octavian did not shave off his heard until 39 B.C.E. Octavian is, however, still shown with facial hair on coins until 36 B.C.E.: Michael H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), nos. 534/3, 538/1, 540. Although Octavian may have let his beard grow during the period of mourning for Caesar, the type of long sideburns and/or narrow, neatly trimmed beard following the jawline onto the chin that shows on his coins suggests a "heard of vengeance," appropriate for one who as Caesar's legal heir was to avenge Caesar's murder. After the assassins had been dealt with, Octavian's continued use of the beard remained essentially "military" to compensate for his youth and to highlight his being an Ares/Mars Ultor-like military leader. In short, I think Dio, our only source, is somewhat confused about the "heard of mourning." When a Roman male was in mourning, he purpos ely neglected shaving as an expression of grief. Hence, the heard would have been stubbly and covered the entire lower part of his face. It would not be the neatly trimmed side-whiskers or narrow beard that appears in the coin images of Octavian. On this matter, see further Pollini (as in n. 20), 63 n. 108, 71-73, 91.