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"Fare una cosa morta parer viva": Michelangelo, Rosso, and the divinity of art - un - Rosso Fiorentino
Art Bulletin, The, Dec, 2002 by Stephen J. Campbell
(62.) For a detailed account of this Medicean approach to historical time, see Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art: Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Casinos (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).
(63.) On historiography following the Medici restoration, see Felix Gilbert, Machiavelli and Guicciardini: Politics and History in Sixteenth-Century Florence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 236ff.
(64.) For the cathedral commission, originating in 1503 (in a contract with Michelangelo) and revived by Giuliano de' Medici in 1515, sea Bruce Boucher, The Sculpture of Jacopo Sansovino (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), vol. 2,318. For a discussion of the Donatello revival, see Ciardi (as in n. 33), 294, 366.
(65.) Vasari, vol. 5, 137: "... fu opinione in qual tempo, else questa invenzione fussi fatta per significare la tornata della Casa de' Medici, del dodici in Firenze; perche allora che questo trionfo si fecie erano esuli, a come dire morti, che dovessino in breve resuscitare; ed a questo fine interpretavano quelle parole che sono nella canzone: 'Morti siam, come vedete; / Cosi morti vedren voi: / Fummo gia come voi siete; / Vo'sarete come noi, ec.' volendo accenare la ritornata loro in casa, e quasi come una resurrezione da morte a vita, a la cacciata ed abasamento de' contrarj loro...."
(66.) Vasari, vol. 6, 254-55: "I will not omit to mention that the gilded boy, a baker's son, died soon after from the discomforts he suffered to earn ten scudi [Non tacero che il pullo dorato, il quale era ragazzo dun fornaio, per lo disagio che pati per guadagnare dieci scudi, poco appresso di mori']."
(67.) Letter to Francesco Vettori on the prophecy of Fra Francesco da Mantepulciano, Dec. 19, 1513, in James B. Atkinson and David Sices, Machiavelli and His Friends: Their Personal Correspondence (DeKalb, Ill.: Northern Illinois University Press, 1996), 267. For the observation that the letter reflects an "apocalyptic" climate in Florence at the return of the Medici, see Ciardi (as in n. 33), 37-38.
(68.) On countermemory, see Michel Foucault, "Counter-Memory: The Philosophy of Difference," in Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. Donald F. Bouchard (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997); and Jan Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997): "Counter-memory opposes both a different construction of the past and a different construction of the present. It strives at keeping present in the world of today an image of yesterday that contradicts it" (220), and "You remember it this way, but I remember it differently because I remember what you have forgotten". (12).
(69.) For example, some of the decorative nudes in simulated bronze in the Sistine Chapel ceiling.
(70.) Jacopo da Pontormo, Lettera a Benedetto Varchi (1549), in Salvatore S. Nigro, L'orologio di Pontormo: Invenzione di un pittore manierista (Milan: Rizzoli, 1998), 77-79 (emphasis mine): "Ma quello che io dissi troppo ardito ch'e la importanza, si e superare la natura in volere dare spirito a una figura e farla parere viva, a farla in piano; cha se almeno egli avesse considerato che, quando Din creo l'uomo, lo fece di rilievo, come cosa piu ficile a farlo vivo, e' non si arebbe preso uno soggetto si artifitioso a piu tosto miracoloso e divino." For some suggestive remarks on Pontormo's letter and Bronzino's Galatea, see Elizabeth Cropper, Pontormo: Portrait of a Halbardier (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1997), 92-98.