Life changes of college students from different class origins in China - Statistical Data Included

College Student Journal, Sept, 2001 by Chau-Kiu Cheung, Siu-tong Kwok

It is difficult to explain the impact of class impacts without resort to some form of conflict theory, Marxian or Weberian. Results simply support most hypotheses derived from Marxian and Weberian class theory. Viewed from these theories, class is primarily a conglomeration of power and resources, which direct its incumbent's behavior according to class-related ideology and self-interest (Wright 1994). Apart from direct effects of economic resources, differential control over managerial assets can engender alienation and impair the psychological functioning of those under command (Kohn et al. 1983). Such effects also prevailed in the socialist society of Poland in 1978 (Kohn and Slomczynski 1990). Socialist countries also did not seem to experience a distinct pattern of class mobility (Erikson and Goldthorpe 1992). Class effects found in Mainland China (Blau and Ruan 1990; Parish 1984) and other socialist countries simply suggest that these countries have not yet achieved their goal to become classless societies.

The particular structure and mode of production of Mainland China relative to Hong Kong create some remarkable differences between the two places. The class distribution indicated that college students overrepresented upper-class origin. This distribution reflects fierce competition to enter colleges in China (Mager and Hulpke 1990) and easy access to Chinese colleges provided that one can pay a higher tuition (Qing and White 1994). In contrast with the elitist education in contemporary Mainland China, Hong Kong promotes mass education at the tertiary level by tremendously expanding the admission rate (Biggs 1993). This expansion makes educators worry about decline in student quality. Students, on the other hand, worry about their prospects in the increasingly competitive job market due to credential inflation (Collins 1979). Perhaps due to its overall lower economic and urban development, Mainland China might provide fewer opportunities to college students' cultural consumption and social interaction than students in Hong Kong. Thus, the mode of production, its associated ideology, economic development, and education system appears to make differences in college students' life chances.

Limitations

The study can be more convincing by using a more systematic sampling method and controlling more stratification variables in the analysis of class effects. Conducting a survey of students in so many colleges in the vast territory of China requires dedicated collaboration from many authorities and people. It is always beyond one's capability to obtain a sample of students by a planned sampling procedure. As a result, the present study did not attain a random sample by a random sampling method. Rather, it had to rely on the assistance of enthusiastic teaching staff who made the data collection possible. Nevertheless, it is uncertain how a sample with unknown representativeness affects statistical inferences regarding class effects.


 

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