Roberston, David Brian. The Constitution and America's Destiny

International Social Science Review, Spring-Summer, 2007 by Creston Long

Roberston, David Brian. The Constitution and America's Destiny. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. xvii 283 pages. Paper, $25.00.

The Constitution and America 's Destiny is a concise study of the proceedings and ramifications of the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. David Robertson, a political scientist at the University of Missouri at St. Louis, focuses mainly on the debates surrounding the structure of the new government and the underlying concern over national versus state authority. James Madison, the most effective advocate for a strong national government, was the central figure of the convention. Robertson is at his best in outlining Madison's agenda and recounting his victories and setbacks, without crossing the line and celebrating Madison's plan. At the outset of the convention, Madison believed he could control the proceedings by binding together a coalition of large states including Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, along with the three southernmost states of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Blocking Madison and his allies stood delegates from smaller states who were wary of a stronger national government. Robertson identifies Connecticut's Roger Sherman as Madison's most effective adversary; at nearly every turn in the proceedings, Sherman managed to have an important tempering influence on Madison's proposals. Robertson effectively argues that the result of the sparring between Madison and Sherman and their respective allies was a Constitution that left later generations of American politicians with a strong government apparatus that, ironically, has been difficult to use.

Robertson makes a strong case that understanding Madison and his intentions helps illuminate the opportunities presented at the convention. Madison and other advocates of a stronger national government clearly had momentum going into the convention. They had crafted a plan to revise all aspects of the Articles of Confederation, creating a republican national government capable of managing a national economy and representing the states on a proportional basis. The author's emphasis on Madison as a forceful figure at the convention is justified, but there is a more subtle implication in Robertson's discussion of Madison. It is impossible to read this work without confronting the very notion of original intent. In present-day political and legal discourse, the concept of identifying and then drawing guidance from the initial intentions of the framers of the Constitution is compelling for many Americans. Robertson points out that Madison had clear intentions going into the convention, but from the outset he met with unexpected resistance to many of his objectives and even lost support from his own coalition on several votes. The author makes it clear that the framers were not of one mind on virtually any issue, other than the necessity of revising the Articles of Confederation. Indeed, there were so many near-victories, or near-losses depending on the perspective of the individual delegate, that there was hardly a consensus on any major vote. If one considers the number of provisions that emerged from compromise committees at the convention, he/she would conclude that no delegate left the convention totally satisfied with the result. In this respect, Robertson's work is reminiscent of Jack Rakove's Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (1996). By the end of the convention, many of the debates remained only partially settled, leaving subsequent generations to carry on many of the arguments initiated in Philadelphia. As a result, Robertson rightly observes, Americans of every generation have seen the Constitution used against other Americans as a weapon or as a shield (p. 247).

Robertson has produced a fine example of interdisciplinary scholarship. He manages to bring to bear sound historical research and political-science analysis to lay out the problems the delegates confronted at the Constitutional Convention. His extensive notation points to a solid mix of both primary and secondary sources. He has tapped many of the "usual suspects" for constitutional scholars, including the Papers of James Madison and the Records of the Federal Convention of 1787. His notes also make it clear that he has taken advantage of the increasing Internet presence of thousands of the nation's early documents. Robertson also provides a straightforward review of the existing literature. While this does not make the best introductory reading, it helps the reader place Robertson's own work in the broader constitutional literature. Whereas other scholars have focused on the debates and the ideological divisions at the convention, Robertson delves into these concerns but also grapples with the question of where the proceedings left the men who took the reins of the new national government.

Robertson's writing is strong and easy to follow; students especially will appreciate his clarity and tendency to be concise. A few sections, however, would work better with different organization. Robertson structures his work thematically, devoting attention to debates over questions of policy agency, governing authority, and policy process. All of these areas are important for understanding the political debates at the convention and their later ramifications, but the departure from a neat chronological progression leads to repetition that may leave some readers confused at times. For instance, at the end of Chapter 4, Robertson includes a section concerning the "History of the Convention" in which he briefly summarizes the convention proceedings up to adjournment. In the following chapter, he loops back into the details of debates over policy agency. This organizational issue occasionally distracts the reader and takes away from the narrative style of the work, but it hardly undermines the overall strength of the text.