Robert B. Reich. The Future of Success

International Social Science Review, Spring-Summer, 2002 by R. Eugene Harper

Robert B. Reich. The Future of Success. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001. 289 pages.

Robert Reich has written another interpretative essay, this time one that tries to make sense of the modern economy we all participate in but rarely have time to analyze. The former Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, Reich is noted for his clear analysis, as in his The Work of Nations and also for his wit, as in Locked in the Cabinet, his recent memoir. It is, in fact, his leaving the Clinton administration that stimulated this book.

Reich left government largely because he found he did not have time for his family, which set him to thinking about the demands our current work situation makes upon us. What is it about the modern economy that demands so much of our time, but seemingly provides limited benefits to so many of us in spite of all our exertion. What, if anything, can we do about it?

The book is organized in three parts. The first five chapters discuss "The New Work," and the next five chapters discuss the consequences for "The New Life" we live. The final two chapters explore the personal and private "Choices" we might make.

The heart of his argument is found in chapter one, "The Age of the Terrific Deal." Simply put, consumers now have so many choices, so many good deals to make instantly from anywhere on the globe, that businesses cannot count on customer loyalty. "More of the market value of almost everything bounces off satellites or moves through fiber-optic cables at the speed of light" (20). Because we now shop in this "global bazaar," competition for customers is intense. This demands a new "Spirit of Innovation" to keep old customers and attract new ones. The "geeks" and "shrinks," as he labels them, are the technical folks who constantly stretch the capabilities of the system technicians, inventors, artists, and the marketing people who understand our needs and wants and find innovative ways for us to meet them.

Because of this demanding, highly competitive market, our concepts of loyalty and our understanding of employment have changed dramatically. No longer is it enough to be a loyal employee doing one's job. In the twentieth century, employment meant security, and we built a range of governmental programs--social security, unemployment insurance, and collective bargaining--to protect that security. In the current climate, however, how does one protect employment when more and more of us are independent contractors, freelancers, temporary workers, part-time workers, or working from our homes? Also, in this new economy, inequality grows as "firms are competing furiously to attract and keep valuable performers ... while at the same time slashing wages and benefits of routine workers" (101).

In the second part of the book, Reich elaborates how these economic changes have affected the quality of our lives. We are definitely working harder, more hours than even the Japanese and about 350 more hours annually than the average European. In this atmosphere, how does one get ahead? Sell yourself--"increasingly in the new economy, the only way up is to promote yourself" (132). The days of the "organization man" of the 1950s are gone. Today it is the "market directed" person who networks, makes contacts, finds persons to attest to one's value, who will succeed.

The demands of the new economy have resulted in the "Incredible Shrinking Family." Although we talk about the importance of the family and family values (and they still are important), nevertheless, all trend lines are in the opposite direction. We are "accommodating to the new economy by downsizing and outsourcing the family" (174). We are also paying for the personal attention we seem not to receive in our impersonal world. The affluent are paying for a whole range of personal trainers, therapists and care givers. For those with limited resources, however, "personal attention is the first thing to go when a family can't pay for any more than what's absolutely necessary." They get "custodial care, but not much attentive care" (186).

These trends also affect our communities, which we are increasingly treating as commodities. The inequitable economy has provided a "sorting mechanism" by which we are segregating ourselves/The more choices, the more efficient this mechanism becomes.

   Individuals try to get into groups offering them the best deals--not only
   the best cities or townships and the best private residential communities
   they can afford, but also the best universities, primary and secondary
   schools, childcare centers, nursing homes and elder care centers, insurance
   pools, professional partnerships and companies. And such groups compete to
   attract the most desirable members--those who can contribute the most and

   demand the least. (197)

With his clear language, tight organization and numerous examples, Reich has made the characteristics of our current (and future) economy seem obvious. As one moves into the two final chapters, he/she is looking for some concrete proposal that will rectify all these issues and uncertainties. Surely, if we just ratified the Kyoto Treaty or save Social Security, all would be well. One will be disappointed, however, for the choices presented in these final chapters are general considerations, not specific remedies. Perhaps that is all we should expect, for this is an economic analysis not a policy document.