Time for renaissance - Religion - Islam

New Internationalist, Jan-Feb, 2002 by Tehmina Durrani

Pakistani author Tehmina Durrani is no stranger to controversy - though she insists it ins't something she courts. My Feudal Lord, her no-holds-barred account of the domestic abuse she suffered at the hands of her ex-husband, a prominent Pakistani politician, rippled the complacency that surrounds the issue in her country, but also led to her parents disowning her. It has been translated into 36 languages. Her novel Blasphemy tore the lid right off the shocking perversion of religious values by men in power. It was the story of a young bride's descent into hell after her marriage to a sadistic pir - a hereditary saint, viewed as an intermediary between Allah and the people.

Recently Tehmina Durrani has begun Ana Hadjra Labaek (www.anahadjra.com), a movement which aims to 'free the spirit of Islam' and bring Muslim women to the forefront. The question that the NI put to her was: 'How can religion be rescued from fundamentalism?' That was before 11 September. Her answer was inevitably influenced by world events which had put the spotlight, rightly or wrongly, on her faith and her country

THE unresolved historical grievances between believers in the God of Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammad -- peace be upon them -- translated into some of the most chilling images of the 21st century: passenger planes crashing into America's landmark buildings and the devastation that followed. The world underwent several evolutions in just a few days.

Muslim peoples were jolted by the horrific fact that Islam had become 'actively visible' as a violent, medieval cult -- instead of just being 'perceived' as one. It is, of course, the last of the three great world religions, but has suffered over the centuries through being represented by 'man's interpretation' of the Holy Qur'an instead of by its 'intent' and essence.

Indeed, today one must look to medieval times in order to reclaim the greatness of Islamic achievements: Europe was relatively primitive until its contact with a Muslim civilization that excelled in science, mathematics, astronomy and philosophy. But whereas nothing moves backward, not the day, nor the month, nor the ageing of all things, the wisdom of Islam receded into the tight limits of a distorted and outdated interpretation of its past.

How far back Islam's essence receded is obvious in the internal conditions of the Muslim world. Famous for depriving its own people, known for cruelty to its own people, recognized for robbing its own people, shunned for undermining its own people, condemned for human-rights violations against its own people and mocked for not educating its own people, the Muslim world is paying dearly for this legacy of distortion. Yet Muhammad -- peace be upon him -- instructed: 'To gain knowledge, travel as far as China.' And the Holy Qur'an repeatedly commands that following the path of wisdom and knowledge is the way of Islam.

Over the centuries the Muslim world split into two separate unities: the rulers and guardians of official Islam; and the Muslim peoples, driven into submission. Enforced religious oppression became established as the meaning of the Islamic faith. These two identities of the very vocal minority and the silent majority further divided into myriad different brands of Islam. Engulfed in ritual and dogma, instead of intent and essence, the entire Muslim world plunged knife-sharp contradictions into the heart of the Islamic faith.

Within the Muslim family, under the same roof, men moved forward while women moved back. Two divided genders, one in darkness, one in light; one exposed, one concealed; one weak, one strong; one with the might of every right, one hostage to enforced religious, economic and social bondage. Surrounded by guns, imprisoned in 'man's interpretation', with all their issues branded 'domestic', Muslim women became in many instances the most oppressed sector of humanity.

With no recognition of the Qur'an's deep intention, no concept of its infinite vision and no scope for movement in its oceanic vastness, not one acceptable authority emerged among a thousand powerful rulers to unite the Muslim peoples against official Islam. No leader dared to identify or challenge the forces that distorted, exploited and violated the word of Allah.

To whisper of liberty and tolerance as the intent of Islam; to protest against unjust sentences of death; to invoke humanitarian Islam as opposed to militant oppression; to support progress and growth, knowledge and justice, reformation and freedom, culture and civilization, evolution and enlightenment: all of these provoked fatwas against the Muslim people.

Militant activism had captured the forefront. Confrontation unto death was its most popular slogan. Holy wars were fashionable and Islam's heroes were all militants. The collective Muslim intellect was imprisoned. Individual comprehension and choice were forbidden.

Now the guns that for so long have pointed inward have been turned outward.

The terrorist strike was America's first experience of a prolonged breakdown. It was also, I believe, the first deadly blow to the fortress of official Islam. For in the final analysis, 'man's interpretation', and not Islam's intent and essence, is what will be recognized as having extended its terrible grip beyond its own people to the wider world. One man and one government, symbols of 'man's interpretation', became the prime suspects.