The tick and the time bomb - Latin America: Venezuela - Democracy

New Internationalist, May, 2003 by Michael McCaughan

In oil-rich Venezuela, President Hugo Chavez has added his 'Bolivarian Revolution' to an explosive mix. Michael McCaughan examines what might prove to be a test-bed for the destruction of democratic regimes elsewhere in Latin America

'VENEZUELA is a ticking time bomb,' said Hugo Chavez Frias when he was elected President of Venezuela by a landslide in December 1998, 'and I have been elected to defuse it.'

At the time, no-one disputed the diagnosis. Venezuela, the world's fifth-largest oil producer, was an impoverished nation where 80 per cent of the people are unable to afford basic foodstuffs. The country's democratic institutions had run out of steam years earlier -- the 'final straw' was the Caracazo in February 1989, when hundreds of civilians in the capital, Caracas, were massacred by troops as they protested the imposition of an austerity package by the International Monetary Fund.

Chavez, a former paratrooper, had tried to take power once before. Influenced by left-wing guerrillas who had infiltrated the armed forces, in February 1992 he launched a military rebellion. Quickly outmanoeuvred, he was given one minute on television to urge his companions around the country to surrender -- an appearance that made him a household name.

The imprisoned Chavez won a reprieve in 1994 and began organizing his Bolivarian Movement, inspired by 19th-century independence hero Simon Bolivar.

Chavez promised an agrarian revolution which would distribute idle land to small farmers and stimulate agricultural production. He offered to resettle urban squatters, reversing a rural-urban drift that has left 90 per cent of the country's 24 million people living on just 15 per cent of national territory. He also pledged to double education and health spending and take the army out of the barracks to repair roads and hospitals.

Environmental rights

Venezuela has a long tradition of environmental protection, beginning with Simon Bolivar, who issued a reforestation edict in 1826. Once in power, Chavez expanded the responsibilities of the Environment Ministry, giving unprecedented investigative powers over the oil industry, previously considered an untouchable cash cow. The concept of environmental rights has been linked to the broader issue of social reform.

'You cannot ask a hungry person to respect the environment,' says acting Environment Minister, Alejandro Hitcher. 'That person will always think first of their own survival.'

The new Bolivarian Constitution contains 350 articles covering every aspect of social organization. It proclaims the state's duty to provide a 'healthy, clean environment' for all citizens. The Government has identified three rural-development zones which are now in the midst of a speedy construction process. Bridges, railways and hydroelectric plants are preparing the ground for a new population, connected to ports, markets and cities.

The new constitution was approved in December 1999 by 71 per cent of voters -- but with abstentions rising to 54 per cent. The breakdown of results revealed a consistent majority 'yes' vote in poor districts and a parallel 'no' vote in wealthy neighbourhoods.

The vote coincided with freak rains which caused mudslides that buried entire neighbourhoods, killing 30,000 people and leaving a further 200,000 people homeless. On a visit to the affected areas I helped deliver emergency supplies with a group of volunteers, identified by the trademark red beret worn by Chavez. There was a renewed community spirit inspired by a year of national dialogue over the future direction of the country. In parks, bus queues, shops and bars, citizens argued long and loud over the changes. Hundreds of flood victims were afraid to return to their precarious homes and several families asked me to pass on messages to the President requesting a move to the countryside.

Chavez is a charismatic but impatient leader. After his election he demanded the right to hire and fire judges and legislators who opposed his plans. The displaced authorities resisted and the legal stalemate spilled on to the street in September 1999. Chavez supporters clashed with the opposition, beginning a pattern of confrontation that continues today.

Sabotage

The discredited political parties recycled themselves as 'civil society', forming the 'Democratic Coordinator', a loose alliance of anti-Chavez interests. The nation's private media and business leaders launched an aggressive campaign to sabotage Chavez's political project before it even got off the ground.

In April 2002 the opposition staged a huge rally which ended in confusion, as snipers and police shot 19 people dead. The hostile media immediately blamed Chavez for the killings, even though most of the victims were Chavez supporters -- I spent a month investigating the circumstances of each death, talking to relatives and witnesses from both sides, so I know this to be the case. The street violence prompted a brief coup which was overturned by a civilian insurrection aided by loyal army troops, forcing coup plotters to abandon the presidential palace.