School counselors' perceptions of biracial children: a pilot study

Professional School Counseling, Dec, 2002 by Henry L. Harris

Biracial children represent a growing segment of America's increasingly diverse population. According to Kalish (1995), data from the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) showed between 1978 and 1992, the number of biracial children born in the United States increased more than 50%, "rising from about 63,700 to almost 133,200" (p. 1). During the same period, biracial births grew from 2.1% to 3.9% of all births (Kalish). Jamison (1999) suggested the number of biracial individuals at between 2 million and 5 million, and noted this is a significant underestimation. Past societal guidelines and restrictions have contributed to this underestimation because, in many situations, biracial children were simply identified with the parent of color. According to the 2000 Census report, the most recent numbers indicate that people of two or more races made up 2.4 % (6,826,228) of the national population, and 42% (2,856,886) of them were under the age of 18 (U.S. Bureau of Census, 2001). In this article, a biracial individual is defined as someone having biological parents from two different racial or ethnic groups (Winn & Priest, 1993).

The research on the unique issues biracial children encounter has produced mixed results. Some studies found biracial children were more likely to experience higher degrees of problems associated with racial identity development, social marginality, isolation, sexuality conflicts, career dreams, and academic and behavioral concerns (Brandell, 1988; Gibbs, 1987; Gibbs & Moskowitz-Sweet, 1991; Herring, 1992; Teicher, 1968; Winn & Priest, 1993). However, other investigations yielded more positive results discovering biracial individuals overall were assertive, independent, and emotionally secure and creative individuals with a positive self-concept (Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; Poussaint, 1984; Tizard & Phoenix, 1995).

Historically, biracial individuals have been analyzed and judged from biological and sociocultural perspectives (Nakashima, 1992). Originally, the biological perspective characterized individuals from interracial unions as mentally, physically, and morally weak beings and because of their perceived genetic inferiority, they faced insurmountable social, emotional, and psychological problems (Krause, 1941; Provine, 1973). The sociocultural perspective supported the belief that biracial people were social and cultural misfits, incapable of fitting in or gaining acceptance in any racial group, destined to lead a life of loneliness and confusion. The ultimate goal behind both perspectives was racial division, which socially and legally discouraged Caucasians from marrying and/or having children with people of color (Nakashima). For example, in 1945, more than half of the states had active laws banning interracial marriages. Twenty-one years later, 19 of those states still had such laws on the books. It was not until 1967 that the U.S. Supreme Court ruled, in Loving v. Virginia, that states could not legally prohibit interracial marriages (Parker, 1999). Needless to say, the different forms of past social and legal discrimination against interracial marriages have also influenced children of such marriages in a negative manner (Wardle, 1991).

According to Kerwin and Ponterotto (1995), biracial individuals have been negatively affected by stereotyping. Stereotypes are rigid preconceptions held about all people who are members of a particular group (Sue & Sue, 1999). Stereotyping commonly leads to assigning to a single individual, characteristics associated with a group of people or extending to a group, the characteristics attached to a single individual on the basis of limited personal contact. It is important to note that not all stereotypes are unfavorable and not all stereotypes are completely inaccurate (Axelson, 1993). However, they are based upon a lack of knowledge and all incoming information is distorted to match a person's preconceived notions (Sue & Sue). There are a number of stereotypes associated with biracial individuals. One stereotype labels them as socially maladjusted outcasts, lacking culture, who will more than likely encounter identity problems stemming from their racial heritage. Suggesting that biracial children will automatically have identity problems typically refers to the perspective that these individuals do not fit neatly into socially defined categories and consequently have trouble determining their status, role, and position in society (Brown, 1990). Furthermore, this perspective assumes they will be "rejected at face value by all ethnic groups and considered marginal but not actual members of these groups" (Kerwin & Ponterotto, p. 203).

Another stereotype asserts the belief that biracial children should identify with the parent of color because society will ultimately view them from this perspective (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995). This point of view runs the risk of causing serious psychological harm especially if the child disregards and does not incorporate the cultural heritage of one parent into his or her identity development. The inability of the biracial child to culturally identify with both parents may cause the individual to experience feelings of disloyalty and enormous guilt over their rejection of one parent (Sebring, 1985). This theme was validated by Winn and Priest (1993), who noted that the majority of the biracial individuals felt pressured to assume a mono-cultural identity, while at the same time experienced guilt feelings of betrayal and deception toward the parent with whom they did not identify. Finally, another stereotype involves the belief that biracial children do not like to discuss issues concerning their racial heritage. Discussing such issues may prove to be difficult for some; however, when questions are considered genuine and nonjudgmental, biracial individuals do not mind such inquiries (Kerwin et al. 1993).