What Europe should understand about the US: Bryan Hamlin, a British-born American citizen, challenges Europe's prejudice towards the United States - The FAC Essay - Column

For A Change, Feb-March, 2003 by Bryan Hamlin

Born and educated in Britain, I have moved from being in love with an American--my wife--to also being in love with her country, while still loving the land of my birth.

It pains me therefore to see not only misunderstanding but, from my new perspective, animosity in Western Europe towards the United States: This animosity seems to go beyond understandable opposition to certain US government policies. to something more pervasive, and I wonder why.

I am writing this in early December and we do not know what will happen as regards a possible war with Iraq. I hope and pray that it will not come to war, for everyone's sake. This is the view of the majority of people in my state of Massachusetts--surprisingly similar in fact to poll results in Britain. On the other hand, Texas, a state with a very different history and much further away from Massachusetts than Greece is from Britain, may well have a different view. This is one aspect of the United States--that they're not always united in their thinking--that needs to be understood.

I would like to explore some other ingredients of this sad state of understanding between Europe and America. One, I believe, is concern--or might it be a little envy?--over the US being seen as the world's sole superpower. The US economy is equal to the second, third and fourth national economies combined. Its defence budget is equal to those of the next eight to ten countries combined.

GOOD CHUNK OF A CONTINENT

This can all sound impressive or irritating, according to your point of view, but the key word here is `national'. For the United States to be understood better it should be seen in equivalence to the European Union--a good chunk of a continent. However, the histories of these two entities are very different.

After two millennia of troubled history, fuelled by nationalism and religious difference, the European Union is a miracle of human achievement. Yet it will not, perhaps should not, evolve into a `United States of Europe' any time soon.

The United States of America, on the other hand, did not evolve but was designed, almost from scratch, 215 years ago. The 13 colonies that came together to form a nation had their differences--the chief amongst them being slavery, which led to a devastating civil war (1861-65) in which more Americans were killed than in all the wars Americans have fought in since, combined. But since then the federal nation, now made up of 50 states, has been able to develop over 138 uninterrupted years, whereas the original six nations of the European Union came together only 43 years ago. The United States has therefore had the double advantage of both a shorter `history' and a much longer period of united democratic development.

The European Union is now almost equal to the US in economic terms, but does not have the united foreign policy needed to direct any common military force, even if it wished to. Europe has relatively recent experience of war on its own soil and is understandably nervous about military power. The US looks at a dangerous and chaotic world and discerns that it cannot afford-that luxury yet.

It was not until World War II that the USA became a significant military power, and it has now become the world's policeman. Many may ask whether the world needs one. Sadly, I believe the answer is `Yes'.

US might was necessary to win World War II for the anti-fascist forces and to contain communist expansionism during the Cold War. It is needed now to combat international terrorism. Everyone in the world, not just the US, should realize that we live in very dangerous times that may continue for some decades. Of course we wish it were otherwise. But the reality is with us.

We should try to understand the historical sins and mistakes that got us into this mess. But we should also be aware that that study will only ever be an approximation; and, after all is said and done, the task is still before us. I am grateful that at this point in history there is a nation that is both able and willing to be the global policeman.

PROLETARIAN LEGACY

Yes, some of the threats from international terrorists are intensified by America's own policies. But we make a serious error of judgement if we think that the challenge faced by America and the world is caused by this alone. America is a target partly because of arrogance and misdeeds and partly because it is the superpower. But it is also a target because the US, for all its faults, represents a world of freedom and pluralism which terrorists and despots recognize as the ultimate enemy to their plans and dreams.

The revolution that established the American republic in the late 18th century was far more radical than many realize. Washington, Jefferson and Adams might have looked like country gentlemen, but looks can be deceiving. George Washington not only led the sometimes barefoot army of volunteers that beat the British army. He then--unlike Napoleon--refused any talk of being made a monarch. He reluctantly served as the first president for two four-year terms and then retired, setting a precedent that only became law in 1951 and launching the first sizeable republic in history.