Gay and bisexual male escorts who advertise on the Internet: understanding reasons for and effects of involvement in commercial sex

International Journal of Men's Health, Spring, 2004 by Jude M. Uy, Jeffrey T. Parsons, David S. Bimbi, Juline A. Koken, Perry N. Halkitis

The growing research on male commercial sex work has primarily concentrated on adolescent hustlers and street-based workers. Few studies have addressed the specific characteristics of adult male gay or bisexually identified escorts who work independently. We explored qualitatively reasons for and effects of sex work among 46 gay and bisexual male escorts in New York City who use the Internet to advertise their services. Participants completed quantitative measures and a semi-structured qualitative interview. A manual search of themes in the transcribed interviews identified three main reasons for participation in sex work--monetary benefits, positive impact on the self, and sexual pleasure. Participants also reported various changes to their personality and sexuality because of their involvement in commercial sex work. Internet-based male escorts represent a unique population of commercial sex workers, different from male sex workers who work on the streets, and have their own specific health needs.

Keywords: male commercial sex work, gay and bisexual, Internet-based male escorts, health needs

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The growing research on male commercial sex work has approached this topic in various ways. Social scientists have drawn a number of distinctions among this population of sex workers with regard to nomenclature, research perspective and orientation, and research foci. For instance, there exist a number of terms to denote sex work among males, such as "hustler," "kept boy," "body worker," or "escort." While each term refers to a profession in which an exchange of some form of sexual activity occurs for some sort of payment or compensation, differences in nomenclature often also denote more subtle differences, such as in type of clientele, specific sexual acts that take place, method used in attracting clients, and the nature of the relationship between the sex worker and his client. Therefore, differences in terminology often indicate differences in typology. Researchers have consistently noted differences among these varied categories of male sex workers (Allen, 1980; Browne & Minichiello, 1996; Estep, Waldorf, & Marotta, 1992; Minichiello et al., 2000; Parsons, Bimbi, & Halkitis, 2001; Price, Scanlon, & Janus, 1984; Vanwesenbeeck, 2001; West & de Villiers, 1993).

Earlier studies from a sociological perspective focused on the deviance aspect of male commercial sex work (Klein, 1989; Luckenbill, 1984; 1986; Sagarin & Jolly, 1997; Salamon, 1989), asserting the negative aspects of an illegal and thus stigmatized profession. However, recent efforts have examined male sex work in a less negative manner, emphasizing the business aspects of a rational vocational choice and thereby viewing male sex work in a less criminal fashion by focusing on the legal and sociopolitical aspects of the industry (Browne & Minichiello, 1996; Minichello, Marino, Browne, & Jamieson, 1998; Vanwesenbeeck, 2001).

While there are a number of studies on male sex work that have originated from a sociological perspective, much of the research on this topic is psychologically oriented. Earlier studies have sought to examine the reasons for entry into such a profession, most often by citing some form of psychopathology or negative upbringing (Price et al., 1984; Sagarin & Jolly, 1997; Simon, Morse, Osofsky, Balso, & Gaumer, 1992; West & de Villiers, 1993). Some of these studies examined personality and social characteristics of male sex workers using various standardized measures (Cates & Markley, 1992; Earls & David, 1989) while others theorized on this subject using a clinical focus (Caukins & Coombs, 1976; Ginsburg, 1967). Many of these efforts focused on adolescent hustlers, men not of legal age who usually solicit sex on the streets. These young men tend to come from impoverished, dysfunctional, or chaotic families where parental fighting, drug abuse, and other forms of familial pathology are present (Caukins & Coombs, 1976; Sagarin & Jolly, 1997). It is this difficult family background that is often cited as the reason why some young male adolescents run away from home and turn to sex work as a way to support themselves, and overall these street-based male sex workers have been documented to suffer from problems with their physical and psychological health (Coleman, 1989; West & de Viliers, 1993; Price et al., 1984).

Other researchers have asserted the importance of intrapsychic variables regarding entry into and continuance of male sex work. For instance, research has found that some men enjoy the work (West & de Villiers, 1993) and view it as exciting (Cates & Markley, 1992). In one study of male hustlers, while nearly half stated that a benefit of their work was sexual pleasure, some viewed hustling as addictive or otherwise psychologically damaging (Calhoun, 1988). It has also been suggested that a reason for entering a sex work profession is the need for some psychological fulfillment such as affection or to fill some emotional void (Cates, 1989; Cates & Markley, 1992; Caulkins & Coombs, 1976). This literature also implies that the transient sexual encounter between the hustler and his client serves as a surrogate for an intimate relational understanding not otherwise achieved. This work, however, has focused almost exclusively on street-based hustlers, and thus such a characterization may not be appropriate for male sex workers who solicit their clients in other ways.