The coverage of prostate cancer and impotence in four popular men's magazines

International Journal of Men's Health, Summer, 2005 by William Hoon

The second noteworthy development in male-related health issues came in 1998 with the release of the drug sildenafil citrate, aimed at assisting the problem of impotence (ACS, 2001). Sildenafil citrate is best known by its brand name, Viagra[R]. The drug was originally designed to treat angina until patients reported an increase in erections as a side-effect (Ault, 1998). The drug's producer, Pfizer Corporation, then re-released and branded it as a possible treatment for erectile dysfunction. Pfizer has claimed the drug makes it possible for men with impotence to have an erection when aroused (Viagra-Rx.net, 2001). The erection occurs because Viagra[R] widens dilated penile blood vessels (Lipman, 1998). Immediately after the Food and Drug Administration approved Viagra[R], public interest and curiosity about its ability fueled the demand for the drug. Almost three million prescriptions were written for Viagra[R] in the first three months of its release (Lipman, 1998).

This paper suggests that the education program about prostate cancer and the publicity concerning Viagra[R] provide an opportunity to compare magazine coverage concerning men's health topics. Popular men's magazines, like most media, aim to follow readers' concerns and interests. Theoretically, a magazine provides content to attract, inform, and serve the reader, thereby ensuring an audience for its advertisers. Part of the responsibility of a men's magazine to its readers would be to provide health information on topics that impact their well-being. That is not its only objective. Economic, political, and organizational constraints impact all forms of media production (Croteau & Hoynes, 2000). At times, those factors may influence the decision-making process to varying degrees. In the past decade, the concentration of media ownership has emphasized the importance of the business side of the media industry.

Popular men's magazines have another incentive for including health-related topics: advertising dollars. Pharmaceutical advertisers have increased their spending in all magazines dramatically during the past 11 years. Direct-to-consumer drug advertising in magazines totalled only $12 million in 1989 but increased to $313 million in 1995 and $600 million in 1996, 1997, and 1998 (Case, 1999; Colford, 1997). Those numbers soared to more than $900 million in 1999 and more than $1.1 billion in 2000 (MPA, 2001). The 75-fold increase during that time represents an astronomical surge in spending by the pharmaceutical industry. In comparison, total media advertising revenues in the United States rose from an estimated $126 billion in 1991 to more than $200 billion in 1999, an increase of 59% (Cardona, 2000; Coen, 1992). Thus, advertising spending by pharmaceutical companies was expanding at a much faster rate than advertising revenue in general.

In their attempts to maintain or seek advertising revenue, editorial staffs at some magazines have felt pressure to provide advertisers with favorable content. This "mutual back-scratching" is evidenced by advertorial sections, single-sponsored issues, and special ad sections (Brady, 1993; Kerwin, 1997). Questions about editorial integrity were traced to the placement of ads next to favorable stories about products (Brady, 1993; Goldberg, 1996). Most magazine editors claim that giving favorable editorial considerations to advertisers is taboo (Goldberg, 1996). In their defense, these editors argue their primary concern is providing value that serves the readers' best interests.