The effects of church-based emotional support on health: Do they vary by gender?

Sociology of Religion, Spring, 2002 by Neal Krause, Christopher G. Ellison, Jack P. Marcum

Recently, there has been growing interest in the relationship between religion and health (Koenig, McCullough and Larson 2001). In particular, a number of studies suggest that people who are more religious tend to enjoy better health than individuals who are less involved in religion (Ellison and Levin 1998; but see Sloan, Bagiella and Powell 1999). One way to make a more convincing case for the potential health-protective effects of religion is to develop and test conceptual models that specify how these salubrious effects may arise. Although a number of potential factors may be at work, some investigators believe that social support provided by coreligionists is an especially important factor (Ellison and Levin 1998). According to this perspective, social support networks that flourish in religious settings tend to bolster or restore the health of church members. This makes sense because a vast number of studies conducted in secular settings indicate that strong social support systems are associated with b etter health (Krause 2001).

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between social support from church members and change in health over time. In the process, we cast this research in a wider social context. The church does not exist in isolation from the larger society in which it is embedded. As a result, the social status positions of church members are likely to influence their behavior and experiences within religious settings as well. One social status position is especially important for the present study -- gender. This is an important issue to examine because research reveals that women and men differ on a number of key indicators of religious involvement. For example, de Vaus and McAllister (1987) report that women attend church more often than men and are committed more deeply to religion than their male counterparts. Similarly, research reviewed by Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle (1997) reveals that women pray more often than men, and tend to be more conservative or orthodox than men in their religious beliefs (Mi ller and Hoffmann 1995; but see Thompson 1991).

If gender differences emerge in a wide range of religious factors, then perhaps they also arise with respect to church-based support. Unfortunately, only a couple of studies have examined this issue (Krause, Ellison and Wulff 1998; Taylor and Chatters 1988). Clearly, a closer look at gender differences in church-based support is warranted. This is especially true given the extensive research conducted in secular settings which consistently shows that women receive and provide more support to their social network members than men (Gore and Colten 1991). We need to know whether this is true in religious settings as well. Moreover, if women are more involved in church support systems, then it is especially important to see if they also reap the health-related benefits of doing so.

There are two reasons why research on church-based support, gender, and health is important. First, most studies on religion and health focus on either mental health outcomes (Krause et al. 1998) or mortality risk (Hummer, Rogers, Nam, and Ellison 1999), while fewer are concerned with physical health status (Musick 1996). This is especially true when it comes to studies on church-based support. Yet research on this topic is critical for health care providers wishing to supplement traditional medical care with religious practices and principles (Koenig 1999). Second, there has been a good deal of discussion about gender and social relationships in the church (Ozorak 1996), but it is surprising to find that relatively few researchers have evaluated this relationship empirically. Even when they do, investigators often rely on measures that assess support provided by a respondent's entire social network (Bradley 1995; Ellison and George 1994). Using comprehensive support measures creates problems because it is n ot possible to tell whether assistance received from others comes specifically comes from church members, or whether it has been obtained from people who are not involved in religion. We redress this imbalance in the literature by examining social support that has been provided explicitly by members of one's own congregation.

The discussion provided below is divided into three main sections. The theoretical underpinnings of the study are developed first. Following this, the study sample and measures are presented. Our data analytic strategy is also introduced at this juncture as well. Finally, the results from our longitudinal study are reviewed and discussed.

CHURCH-BASED SUPPORT, GENDER, AND HEALTH

Research conducted in secular settings suggests that social support may affect health in a number of ways (Berkman, Glass, Brissette, and Seeman 2000). For example, there is some evidence that people who are embedded in strong social support systems tend to have better health behaviors (e.g., they don't smoke or drink alcohol to excess) than individuals who are more isolated from others. Moreover, especially compelling evidence suggests that social support may affect health through physiologic pathways. In particular, research by Kiecolt-Glaser and her colleagues indicates that close ties with others tends to bolster immune functioning (Uchino, Cacioppo, and Kiecolt-Glasser 1996). Finally, research consistently shows that people with a strong sense of self-efficacy tend to have better health than individuals who feel they have little control over their lives (Bandura 1995). This is important because, as Berkman et al. (2000) point out, social support may bolster feelings of self-efficacy, thereby enhancing p hysical health.