Responsible Parenthood: Decriminalizing Contraception in Canada. - Review - book review

Sociology of Religion, Summer, 2000 by Andrea Bertotti Metoyer

Responsible Parenthood: Decriminalizing Contraception in Canada, by BRENDA MARGARET APPLEBY. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999, 248pp. $24.95.

Responsible parenthood is an interesting historical case study that examines how, in

1969, contraception became decriminalized in Canada. While it is not apparent from the title, Appleby's main focus is on the Canadian churches' contributions to this process. Her thesis is that Canadian churches created more reproductive freedom by assisting in the decriminalization of contraception but deterred true personal control over reproduction. Her data were the written submissions to the standing committee printed in issues of "Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence."

The book is clearly and logically divided into three parts. Part I creates a backdrop of the historical and political context. Appleby outlines those who sponsored the bills to decriminalize contraception and discusses the support given to the proposal by the Canadian Medical Association, the Canadian Bar Association, family planning and social welfare advocates, national women's groups, and the Christian churches. She argues that the churches made two important contributions to the debate. First, Protestant churches developed the concept of "responsible parenthood" which legitimized married couples' right to "exercise parenthood responsibly by being thoughtful, intentional, and accountable for their procreative potential (p. 8)." Second, the Catholic church supported the measure by distinguishing between moral and civil law. Catholics could civilly vote for the good of the group while maintaining their personal religious convictions.

Part II looks closely at these two contributions by examining the Christian churches' shifting views on birth control. Protestant churches began to accept contraception in the 1930s as ideas about marriage and sexuality shifted. Sex in marriage became an acceptable way to enhance the relationship apart from conception. "Responsibility" also became a key subject. Theological explorations of human freedom resulted in the idea that people's sexual activity could be truly responsible (i.e., responsible parenthood) only if they acted voluntarily and had sufficient resources. This idea of responsible parenthood extended to the emerging concern about population growth. Many Protestant leaders came to see family planning programs as necessary to create economic growth and to ensure responsible parenthood around the world.

The Roman Catholic church, on the other hand, continued to oppose contraception. While they agreed that marital intercourse was valuable aside from conception, Catholic leaders called couples to use their infertile time instead of contraception. The stance of the Catholic church concerning population was that current problems were a result of unjust distribution of resources. To curb the population crisis, world leaders would be better off redistributing wealth than promoting family planning. However, in spite of this continued disapproval of contraception, Canadian bishops concluded that it was not necessary to preserve a criminal law in order to further their moral position.

Part III examines the implementation of the measure to legalize contraception and the impact of "responsible parenthood." Appleby calls the decriminalization of contraception a "limited revolution." While legalizing contraception granted some freedom, she claims that the amendment and how it was implemented silenced those who advocated true individual reproductive choice. For example, contraception was primarily a privilege of middle- and upper-class women. The concept of responsible parenthood presented by the Protestant churches contributed to this lack of personal freedom because, according to Appleby, it embodied a limited view of sexuality and family. "Responsible parenthood" supported the idea that contraception was a right of the married couple, not of unmarried people. Appleby points out that this view is limited because it assumes that humans are sexual beings only in marital relationships. In addition, contraception was conceived of as the right of the couple, rather than the woman. She is critical of this assumption because of the unequal gender structure in which women and men make decisions. And it creates an image that the ideal family has children. This limited view of family denies those who feel called to refrain from bearing children and stigmatizes those who cannot.

I found this last part of the book the most sociologically interesting and analytical but, unfortunately, also the shortest. The discussion of the specific bills, sponsors, and reports was very detailed, which might be of great interest to those well-versed in Canadian law, but was a little arduous for the "lay" sociologist.

While Appleby is not a sociologist by trade, her findings are interesting and are an important contribution to sociological research. She advances our understanding of how religion affects legislation and, in turn, sexual politics. This work would be valuable for those teaching a graduate course in law, religion, or sexual politics, especially if the intent was to look at the intersection between any of these factors.