Y2K, The Apocalypse, and Evangelical Christianity: The Role of Eschatological Belief in Church Responses

Sociology of Religion, Summer, 2001 by Steve Bruce

Steve Bruce [*]

Apocalyptic beliefs in Christianity have endured for two thousand years and on occasion have motivated and justified radical and even revolutionary collective action (Bayer 1992). Why apocalyptic visions are part of some Christians' belief system is grounded in their beliefs about the end times, or eschatologies, that shape church cultures and subsequent behaviors. This paper considers cultural aspects of collective action, applying the concept of frames that give events meaning and inspire and legitimize collective behavior to Christian church responses to Y2K as a recent example of an anticipated apocalyptic event. Five interpretive frames linking eschatological ideation with specific collective behaviors are identified and discussed, as well as three corresponding strategic responses to Y2K that were taken by various kinds of Protestant Christian churches as they prepared for the ushering in of a new millennium.

Apocalyptic beliefs in Christianity have endured for two thousand years, occasionally motivating and justifying radical collective action (Boyer 1992). Berger's (1969) concept of plausibility structures offers an explanation for the adoption and retention of beliefs, such as apocalyptic endings of the world, even when those endings do not come as predicted. Plausibility theodicy explains how those advocating religious beliefs make sense out of events, giving events a "place" in the larger picture (1969:58-59). Linking plausibility structures imbedded in eschatological belief systems with subsequent behavior offers a sociological interpretation of the Y2K event as experienced by Protestant Christians.

Collective action and social movement theories have not often been utilized to explain the emergence and decline of religious phenomenon. Historically this was probably due to the reluctance to grant religious movements legitimacy along with political social movements (Hannigan 1991). Social movement studies tended to link politically motivated social change and emphasize resource mobilization theories rather than ideologically or religiously motivated change geared at how individuals live (Williams 1994). More recently Williams (2000) suggested social movement theory that looks at cultural aspects of change would lead to a more meaningful analysis of Promise Keepers than theories considering political motivations alone. The emergence of new social movement theories gave cultural aspects of collective action legitimacy, correcting for a shortcoming of resource mobilization theories that focused too much on the availability and coordination of resources while glossing over questions concerning interpretation of events relevant to social movement activities and behaviors (McAdams 1997). A social psychological emphasis attends to cultural aspects of collective action by focusing on the centrality of social relationships and the need for solidarity between individuals' beliefs about the social world and the beliefs of the group (Gamson 1992). An analysis attending to cultural aspects of collective action explores connections between social relationships that are religious in nature and subsequent collective behavior.

Snow and Benford (1988) borrow from Goffman's (1974) concept of frames and discuss how ideological frames inspire and legitimize social movement activity. By giving events meaning, frames function as plausibility structures organizing experience and guiding subsequent action -- whether individual or collective. Snow, Rochford, Worden, and Benford (1986) considered how frame alignment links individual and collective interpretative orientations so that individuals' values, beliefs and meanings and subsequent collective behavior are congruent and complementary. They identify four frame alignment processes that link individuals with collective interpretive frames.

These four processes were evident in churches and denominations attempting to convince individuals of the need to prepare for Y2K. Frame bridging, the first frame alignment process, is the recruitment tool that links the ideological construct (in this case the need to prepare for Y2K) with an ideological construct congruent with the collectivity (eschatological beliefs). Frame amplification occurs by emphasizing relevant values and beliefs. Focusing on prophetic fulfillment that suggested the imminence of the Second Coming of Christ amplified the belief that Y2K may be a fulfillment of end-times prophecies. Frame extension strengthens alignment by expanding the purpose of adopting behaviors associated with a particular belief. When church leaders extended the need for members to prepare physically for Y2K to also helping members see Y2K as a great evangelistic opportunity, their motivational power was strengthened. Frame transformation occurs when the proposed beliefs require considerable change in individual s' conventional lifestyles and new ideas and values are nurtured while old ones are effectively debunked (Snow et al. 1986).