Habitat for Humanity: Building Private Homes, Building Public Religion - Book Review

Sociology of Religion, Fall, 2002 by Corey J. Colyer

Habitat for Humanity: Building Private Homes, Building Public Religion. JEROME P. BAGGETT. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001, 295 pp. $74.50 (cloth), $24.95 (paper).

Since its founding in 1976, Habitat for Humanity[R] has contributed to the building of more than 100,000 new homes in 79 countries. (1) As one of the United States' most visible non- profit organizations, Habitat annually mobilizes more than a quarter million volunteers from all walks of life. In this engaging book, Jerome Baggett uses the case of Habitat for Humanity to shed empirical light on religion's relationship to civic participation. While the organization serves as the focal point for case study, Baggett's analytic frame extends to the United States' entire voluntary sector. Thus, Habitat for Humanity is examined within a broader context of both the voluntary sector and contemporary Protestant Christianity, yielding useful insights into the workings of macro society and contemporary Christianity.

The study is framed by two different yet complementary questions. The first concerns religion's relationship to civic participation within the broader social ecology of the voluntary sector. Specifically, how do theological sensibilities shape a citizen's sense of responsibility toward his or her fellows? This question reflects the vitality of today's voluntary sector, which provides institutional space for behavior that lacks utility from the perspective of simple self-interest. Habitat is a voluntary organization founded and sustained around the simple conviction that substandard housing is an affront to God. Its inclusive theology invites any and all believers sharing this conviction to join them in action. The second question focuses on religious pluralism and the secular climate of modernity. How is it that Habitat successfully draws volunteers and supporters from the range of denominations and variants of the Christian creed? In answering this question, Baggett outlines the construction of a pragmatic " real religion" that ritualizes the rationalized activity of building houses.

The analytic thread tying this study together concerns Habitat for Humanity's broader social ecology. The organization creates an inclusive space where volunteers articulate expressive values anchored in Christian conviction. The space is important because the dominant 'mega structures' (the capitalist economy and coercive State apparatus) do not necessarily reward such behavior on either the individual or collective level in daily life. Moreover these mega structures provide challenges to the organization that must be navigated continually. Habitat's expressive ideal is that homeowners and the organization work together in equal partnership as children of God. That means that Habitat does not provide charity; it is to help all who are willing to help themselves. Yet, dynamics of the market introduce complications to this ideal. There are distinct class differences between Habitat volunteers and participating homeowners, which breeds a paternalism not indicative of the organization's mission. Moreover, the dr ive for programmatic success leads to decision-making rooted in economic costs and benefits rather than the more expressive ideals around which the organization is framed.

Habitat's religious dimension is also shaped by a broader social ecology. As a nondenominational parachurch organization, Habitat provides a ministerial outlet for a broad cross- section of denominational bodies spanning the doctrinal spectrum. By focusing on the simple ideal of helping others in God's name, Habitat unifies rather than divides. Volunteers report that participating with Habitat helps them make their religion "real." That is, it harnesses their faith to yield demonstrative results. Such openness appears to be well adjusted to the climate of modernity, which is reflected in the organization's continuing stream of volunteers. Habitat translates the pragmatic activity of erecting a house into a ritual laden with inclusive spiritual meanings.

This case study makes three contributions to the sociology of religion. First, it highlights the symbiotic relationship between religion and the voluntary sector. The ideals promoted by religion align with civic virtues and invigorate civil society. Thus, this book demonstrates the continuing significance of religion in society in modernity. Second, the study demonstrates the interconnectedness of social institutions. Baggett shows us in detail how the logic of the market and the pressures of the state encroach upon religious values. In turn, it shows how religious values inspire behavior not rewarded by the market or state. Third, and most specifically, the study applies qualitative sociology to explore the vitality of para-church organizations in the contemporary religious marketplace. By attending to the interplay of macro-societal structures, this book opens a window for understanding the dynamics of modem religion.

In addition to these substantive contributions, the book utilizes a qualitative approach well suited to the research questions. Baggett's data are observational and discursive. He participated in several projects, attended affiliate board meetings, interviewed several volunteers, and reviewed Habitat's archival record. These data provide rich descriptions that illustrate the substantive points being made. However, if any weakness can be identified, it would be in the relative absence of the participants themselves in the text. While vignettes are offered and brief quotes support analytic assertions, more emphasis could have been placed on the words and actions of Habitat participants. Certainly this weakness is a minor one, partly an artifact of the book's ambitious scope. I recommend this well written, engaging book to all with an interest in the sociology of the voluntary sector and parachurch organizations.