Chinese conversion to evangelical Christianity: the importance of social and cultural contexts
Sociology of Religion, Fall, 1998 by Fenggang Yang
This individualistic approach is inadequate to understand the phenomenon of convert groups - collectivities with similar characteristics, such as ethnicity or national origin, converting at a high rate in the same time period. When large numbers of Chinese are changing their religion now but not in a previous era, we must look for explanations beyond the individual's personality or personal bonds in small networks. Social, cultural, and institutional changes must be analyzed.
THE INADEQUACY OF ASSIMILATION EXPLANATIONS OF IMMIGRANT CONVERSION
Why do immigrants abandon their traditional religion and convert to an untraditional religion? This subject is not well-researched in the sociology of religion and immigrant studies. This is not surprising, as religious conversion among immigrant groups is a new phenomenon in the US. For earlier European immigrants, identifying with traditional religion was the norm, as Will Herberg (1960:27-28) points out.
Sooner or later the immigrant will give up virtually everything he had brought with him from the 'old country' - his language, his nationality, his manner of life - and will adopt the ways of his new home. Within broad limits, however, his becoming an American did not involve his abandoning the old religion in favor of some native American substitute. Quite the contrary, not only was he expected to retain his old religion, as he was not expected to retain his old language or nationality, but such was the shape of America that it was largely in and through his religion that he, or rather his children and grandchildren, found an identifiable place in American life.
In contrast, religious conversion has become noticeable among post-1965 immigrants, such as Pentecostals among Latin Americans and evangelical Protestants among Koreans and Chinese. based on common-sense understandings, three assimilation explanations of immigrant conversions are posited. I will argue that all three are inadequate to explain the Christian conversion among new Chinese immigrants.
"Rice Christians"
One common-sense presumption is that some people join the church to gain material advantages without genuine conversion, as the well-known phrase "rice-bowl Christian" suggests. However, this is not a major motive for Chinese converts in the CCC for two reasons. First, like most Chinese-American churches, CCC has placed exclusive emphasis on evangelization. The church has had no consistent or systematic social service programs, such as job referrals or English-language classes for new immigrants. During my interviews, some Chinese pastors and lay leaders even objected to my referring to Chinese churches as ethnic or social organizations. They stressed that the church is a religious organization that exists for spiritual purposes only. Of course, as an ethnic church with an emphasis on fellowship groups, the Chinese church does encourage members to care for each other, especially newcomers. However, the help is informal and often nonmaterial.
Second, most church members are well-educated, have professional jobs, and live in middle-class suburbs. They do not need the church for material support. The few immigrants who do need job referrals, English classes, or charity assistance are often family members of immigrant professionals. These people usually turn to their relatives for help, or to the many ethnic Chinese organizations and/or government programs that are available (Wang 1993). Therefore, Chinese churches focus on spiritual and psychological needs of the immigrants.
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