Days of protest

Christian Century, Nov 8, 2000 by Mark G. Toulouse

PART OF THE FABRIC of public life in America during the post--World War II years, perhaps the cross-stitch that held the symbolic boundaries in place, was anticommunism. Most mainline church editors were part of it. The launching of Sputnik in 1957 provoked a "crisis" and, explained a CENTURY editorial, exploded the "assumption of a kind of general, built-in American superiority" (January 1, 1958). Over the next few years, the editors became certain there existed an absolute incompatibility between Christianity and communism. Though a 1961 editorial warned readers not: to "commit the great blasphemy of confusing democracy with the kingdom of God," its author, most likely Harold Fey, intoned that "Christianity and communism cannot coexist in the same person any more than Christianity can share the same disciple with Buddhism or Islam" (November 15, 1961).

Under Fey's leadership, however, the CENTURY could also hold positions that made it rather unpopular with average anticommunist groups and individuals. The journal strongly sought United Nations recognition of the People's Republic of China (July 10, 1957). On the issue of space, even given the threat of initial Soviet: successes, Fey condemmned American exploration as a "fantastic waste" of economic resources (May 24, 1961), The CENTURY welcomed the change in Cuba from Fulgencio Batista, who had been backed by the U.S., to Fidel Castro and criticized the Bay of Pigs invasion as a "debacle" (May 3, 1961). The editors also argued for de facto recognition of the East German communist regime in the Berlin crisis (August 30, 1961). Just after the Cuban missile crisis, they insisted that Americans look to the "enemy within" for part of the cause of the crisis itself, especially "the shameful history of [American] exploitation of Cuba" (November 7, 1962). Clearly, the CENTURY's anticommunist position had some sophisticated and reflective edges to it.

The CENTURY heralded the birth of the Republic of South Vietnam in November of 1955 and said not another meaningful word about it until April 25, 1962, when it demanded that President Kennedy tell the truth about why "American soldiers [were] dying almost every day in South Vietnam." A plane carrying 93 American soldiers to Vietnam had crashed into the Pacific. This event woke the editors from their slumber. Why were there nearly 5,000 American troops, accompanied by ships and planes, in a country over 10,000 miles away? If a communist takeover seemed imminent, why did the president not inform Congress to let it act accordingly in a proper debate concerning a declaration of war (April 25, 1962)?

In 1962, the CENTURY's editors feared a communist takeover in southeast Asia as much as anyone else did. They did not question the fact that South Vietnam needed help. The domino theory made limited sense to them at the time. The editors objected primarily because Kennedy had acted alone when the UN should have been contacted to deal with the situation. They recognized the legitimacy of the cause against communism throughout 1963 and 1964. Editorials denounced President Diem's denial of religious freedom to the Buddhists (September 4, 1963), argued against expansion of the war into North Vietnam (March 11, 1964), and called for an early, peaceful, negotiated withdrawal (December 23, 1964). Without exception, however, editorials during this period accepted the necessity of American action in Vietnam and expressed a cautious affirmation of the general lines of U.S. policy there.

The prospect of a presidential election at such a crucial time concerned the editors. Just before the Republican Convention in 1964, Harold Fey wrote an editorial entitled "Goldwater? No!" He figured that Goldwater might be the presidential nominee of the Republican Party and believed his ideological bent "would inflame the cold war" and probably escalate the war in Vietnam (July 1, 1964). Just after Fey retired in September, Kyle Haselden, in one of his first tasks as editor, endorsed President Johnson for reelection. He was confident that a Johnson-Humphrey team would handle Vietnam with wisdom and could be trusted to avoid the "hair-trigger action" of a Goldwater. Johnson, he wrote, would work toward peace and prevent any move toward all-out nuclear confrontation. Haselden also favored Johnson's much better history on civil rights issues (September 9, 1964).

The presidential endorsement not only cost the journal its tax deductible status for two years, but also led to a more realistic understanding of politics and less willingness to wed Christian goals to the election of particular leaders. Johnson's policies forced the CENTURY editor to eat his words. Haselden's profound disappointment with Johnson found expression as early as May 1965.

The Pentagon Papers later revealed that Johnson, prior to the election, had already taken steps to escalate the war. By the end of 1965, troops in Vietnam numbered over 185,000; one year later they would number 385,000, building eventually to over 540,000 troops. These developments jarred the CENTURY. The 1964 Tonkin Gulf Resolution authorizing presidential authority in sending American troops to Vietnam had originally brought barely a whimper. By early 1966, editors had decided the resolution had blown "a hole in the Constitution of the United States big enough to drive an undeclared war through" (February 16, 1966).