A nation's holy war: visit to Sudan - Column

Christian Century, July 13, 1994 by Frank C. Baldwin

IMMEDIATELY after announcing the flight information, cruising altitude and flying time, the announcer on our Sudan Airways flight began reciting prayers from the Qur'an. It was an immediate reminder that Islamic revivalism permeated Sudanese life. I was part of an ecumenical group of nine Chicago-area churchpeople who, at the invitation of Sudan, visited the country in order to investigate its treatment of churches and Christians. Our group met with government officials and church leaders in the capital city of Khartoum and in Juba, the capital of the southern state of Equatoria.

As the largest country in Africa, Sudan is in many ways a microcosm of the continent. Lying directly south of Egypt along the Nile River, it is populated by 600 ethnic groups speaking 110 different dialects. The northern portion is predominantly Arab, and Islam is the dominant religion. The southern portion is populated by black Africans who are Christians or followers of traditional African religions. The government is firmly in the control of the Arab Muslim north.

For much of the period since independence in 1956 a civil war has raged between the central government and a southern rebel movement known as the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). It is estimated that a million people have lost their lives in this war and about 5 million have been displaced. On both sides children as young as eight are drafted into the war. The conflict is further complicated by a split in the SPLA between factions that fight each other as well as the government. In addition to the loss of lives, the war is a tragedy for Sudan because it keeps the nation from exploiting its rich natural-resources. It has the potential to become one of the continent's largest food-producing nations, and indeed has been called the "Breadbasket of Africa." Oil reserves have also been discovered in southern Sudan. But the war has stalled development of these resources.

About 3 million southern Sudanese displaced by the civil war have fled north to Khartoum. The government has been harshly criticized by the international community for its treatment of these refugees. When they first arrived in the city they were pushed out of most settled areas and took up residence in the city garbage dump. When the government decided to clear that area, people were forcibly loaded into trucks by soldiers armed with machine guns. We were taken to the site of the former dump--now bulldozed and cleared. City officials told us proudly that they planned to build luxury condominiums on the site.

The former residents of the dump were transported to a new site, Jebel Awliya, 25 miles south of town--a barren place in the desert with no sign of vegetation or shade. In January the temperature climbed to 90 degrees; the summer's heat will make the place even more intolerable. Families have built mud huts on small lots in Jebel Awliya, but their possibilities for earning a living are extremely limited. A military checkpoint on the only road leading from the camp to the city enables authorities to regulate people's movement to and from the camp. Residents told us that they receive only one meal a day. Hundreds, of thousands of people are situated in similar camps around the perimeter of the city.

The government gave us generous access to many ministers and officials, including an extended visit with the nation's president, Omar Hassan Ahmad al Bashir. We also met twice with Hassan Abdalla Turabi, secretary general of the Popular Arab and Islamic Conference and former head of the National Islamic Front. Turabi is widely considered the most influential and powerful politician in the country, and he is a leading spokesperson for the worldwide Islamic revival.

Many Sudanese officials have been educated in Western Europe and in the U.S. They speak fluent English and are anxious to make their case to the American public. They feel that the Western press has unfairly stigmatized Sudan. Sudanese officials maintain that Egypt consistently exaggerates the threat from Sudan in order to justify high levels of U.S. aid. They also complain that the U.S. applies human rights criteria selectively, condemning Sudan while ignoring the poor human rights records of such U.S. allies as Egypt and Saudi Arabia. They resent a perceived anti-Islamic bias in U.S. foreign policy. These officials articulate a vision for a multiethnic, multicultural state and acknowledge the need to guarantee the rights of minorities, including Christians. But Sudan's reality does not conform to their vision.

During our visit we were interviewed by the Sudanese press, and our statements were often misrepresented. Regardless of what we said, we were "quoted" as affirming Sudanese government policies, refuting the allegation that Sudan sponsors terrorism, and denying any violations of democracy and human rights. Previous visiting dignitaries, including Pope John Paul II and United Nations envoys, have also been "quoted" in the local media as praising the Sudanese government.