Black America and religion
Ebony, Nov, 2005 by Renita J. Weems
AFRICAN-AMERICANS, for whom religion has been a most needed "shelter in the time of storm," have not gone untouched by the changes in recent years in the way Americans do religion. While the Black church continues to be a dominant presence and stabilizing force in the African-American community, it appears that as successive generations of African-Americans have benefited materially and socially from the reforms of the past decades, they have become increasingly willing to rethink and modify their own thinking about some of the cherished traditions associated with the Black church. From polity (growth of mega-churches and the influence of neo-Pentecostalism) to politics (Muslim influence and a shift in social activism), from liturgy (music and worship styles) to leadership (women's ordination and leadership in the church), one thing is abundantly clear as one witnesses the changes of the past 60 years: God may not change (as believers are quick to point out), but the way people think and talk about (and to) God does change.
Many see the emergence of the Black mega-church and the Neo-Pentecostal renewal that have swept across denominational lines as the two most significant trends to take place in Black church history in the last few decades. The two trends are closely related because nearly all the Black mega-churches that have sprung up over the last decades have been energized by a neo-Pentecostal liturgical style to their worship. To be sure, from the earliest days of our presence in this culture our religious history makes clear that there have always been those who have opted out of Christianity and have chosen non-Christian and quasi-Christian traditions for their source of strength and identity. Islam continues to draw many African-Americans. Moreover, the number of African-Americans finding peace and direction in Buddhism, Shamanism, West African religions, and other traditions is growing. Nonetheless, for decades Black mainstream Protestantism has been the best index for studying shifts in religious beliefs and practices among African-Americans. And whether we like it or not, large congregations have long been viewed as trendsetters of contemporary Christian thinking.
Neo-Pentecostalism, which was once associated only with the smaller, even marginalized Holiness and Pentecostal denominations of the '30s, '40s and '50s can be characterized by a lively, exuberant worship style, expository preaching that applies the scripture toward personal transformation and successful living, and at least a token acceptance in worship of the gifts of the spirit as outlined in the New Testament (ecstatic praise, tongue-speaking, gift of prophecy, etc.). If you're thinking that Black worship has always been traditionally more experiential and lively than White churches, you're probably right. But for some time there in the '50s and '60s the large, more influential churches of the Black middle class chose a more reserved, "dignified" style of religious worship closer to that of White mainline churches. In fact, Protestant Christianity, under whose influence most slaves came when introduced centuries ago to America's version of religion, has always emphasized a piety that can be felt and experienced with the senses. Religion was best when it led to a direct, personal encounter with God. The more dramatic that encounter, the more likely it was to be genuine, reasoned the slaves. It should leave one saying, in the words of an old gospel hymn, "something got a hold on me." A new class of Black social elites has emerged in recent years, who seem to welcome the updated twist on that "old time religion" (jubilant praise) combined with a message on how to gain a piece of the American pie.
Neo-Pentecostalism has contributed to phenomenal church growth in urban areas where many conservative mainstream churches were dying, unable or unwilling to evangelize new, younger members. Keeping in mind that the average church size in America is 50 members or less, in large urban areas it's not impossible to find churches topping 4,000 to 6,000 members, with some boasting memberships of more than 10,000. The success of neo-Pentecostalist churches--which have found a way to combine a powerful mix of spirit-filled worship with a message of Black empowerment--has prompted lots of debate in recent years about the nature and mission of the Black church. The sheer size of some of these churches gives unprecedented power and influence to their leaders, many whom seem always to be on hand for photo shoots with members of the current political administration when the administration needs to shore up its support in the Black community. Those with deep roots in the Civil Rights Movement, who grew up on songs and sermons that insisted that service and activism, not speaking in tongues and getting rich, were "fruits" of one's piety and spirituality, fear that the church's fascination with neo-Pentecostalism plays down the Black church's role as America's social conscience. In fairness to the neo-Pentecostalism movement, however, which began to take root in earnest in the late '60s just as the Civil Rights Movement was beginning to implode and lose steam, many saw in neo-Pentecostalism spirituality a corrective to the shortcomings of the religiously inspired activist movement of the '50s and early '60s, a movement which had left many of them feeling psychologically battered and spiritually parched. The lesson that came out of that period was that in order to fight for justice, you have to have a strong spiritual life. The notion that the Holy Spirit, not human beings, is the one who rights wrongs, establishes peace, melts cold hearts and ushers in the beloved community characterized by equality among peoples and human dignity for all was immensely comforting to those looking for answers after the wounds of the '60s.