Democracy or Wealth: A Case Study - Singapore

Challenge, Nov, 2000 by Gerald Houseman

The answer was "no" in a majority of the essays written, but a significant minority of more than 20 percent, or 91 students out of 440, said the trade would be a good exchange. Political freedom is simply not important enough, in the eyes of this minority, to make up for the obvious advantages of the Singapore system. Indeed, it was not unusual to find students saying or writing that they believed their freedoms were enhanced rather than diminished by a Singapore-type environment, and a few even framed the issue as one of trading political freedom for economic freedom.

For this significant minority, the right to vote or to participate in political activity is seen as having no particular benefit compared to the economic benefits and security offered by a Singapore-type system. For the majority of students, this right was seen as important or even all-important. All of the students were encouraged to join this issue in more or less abstract terms rather than making concrete comparisons with Singapore, but most of them did not choose this path. A fair number, though I did not keep specific totals on these matters, resented Singapore's gun control laws and, in many essays, its harshness in dealing with drug offenders. There also was considerable resentment against the government's many impediments to automobile ownership and use, including the steep costs imposed by taxes, import fees, a certificate of ownership, and fees for using centrally located streets during rush hour.

Table 1 shows the survey's currents of relative support and nonsupport of the Singapore system. The earlier essays, from the fall of 1994 until the summer of 1996, find the percentage of "traders" (those who would trade U.S. political freedom for a Singapore life-style) running in the low to high teens. The fall of 1996 and all of 1997 show a rise to 30 percent supporters of trading, and then there is a great drop-off of "traders" in 1998. There are no obvious explanations for the direction of this curve, except that the final drop-off coincides with Asian economic troubles, which include those of Singapore.

This small city-state, even in these troubled times, continues to see itself as a model nation for economic development and socialization of citizens, and as a useful guide to a peaceful and civil society. It has withstood the Asian economic crisis better than many of its neighbors have. Officials and leaders of other nations visit Singapore to see how the system works, and some imitation of the "Singapore way" can be seen in Oman, Malaysia, Indonesia, and perhaps other nations. It is clear that Singapore has a political importance that extends well beyond its size and its place in the world.

However well Singapore may be doing, the troubling points of this experiment really concerned American students and their attitudes toward their nation. Clearly a measure of dissatisfaction with economic and social life in this country showed through. The essays that said the student would willingly give up American freedoms, moreover, discounted the supposed advantages of democracy in favor of a regional model, which, in their views could take care of their economic needs very well.