Mr. Right - George W. Bush candidacy

National Review, July 12, 1999 by Ralph Reed

Mr. Reed, a Republican consultant, is president of Century Strategies.

The conservative case for George W.

In Republican circles, the common rationale for nominating George W. Bush for president is, "We have to win"-an understandable sentiment. After eight years of Clinton-Gore, there is a palpable yearning among GOP activists for a Republican in the White House.

In purely electoral terms, the case for Bush's candidacy is formidable. He is the first governor of Texas this century to be elected to consecutive terms. In 1998, on his way to a landslide reelection, he won an estimated 49 percent of the Hispanic vote, 27 percent of the black vote, and 66 percent of the women's vote. His charisma is Reaganesque, and his stump skills are already legendary.

Bush's lead over Al Gore in recent national polls ranges from about 17 to 25 points. He beats Gore even among women and independents, and he is out front in every state except Hawaii, New York, and the vice president's own Tennessee. This margin will no doubt tighten, but a much larger percentage of Bush supporters than Gore supporters say they are certain to vote for their man. Also, Bush will have the funds to win. He is expected to shatter the record for fundraising when he files his latest finance report on June 30, banking over $18 million-more than twice the amount likely to be raised by his nearest GOP challenger.

Yet for all this overwhelming sense of inevitability, the strongest case for Bush is based on his conservatism, not his viability. He is, in fact, the most electable conservative presidential candidate in a generation. More conservative than his father, George W. has a proven record of conservative accomplishment that the media have largely ignored. A Bush victory in November 2000 would be a conservative triumph, not a moderate one.

Many conservatives are understandably wary of another Bush in the White House. But while Gov. Bush is apparently a loyal son, he has blazed his own trail and has his own ideas. When asked what he thinks of his father's 1990 tax hike, he replies, "It was a big mistake by a good guy."

His conservative preferences are reflected in the advisors he has chosen. Nowhere to be seen are the likes of Richard Darman, President Bush's budget director and a conservative bogeyman. Instead, George W. has tapped Larry Lindsey, a Reaganite and supply-sider, as his top economic advisor. Another advisor is Indianapolis mayor Steve Goldsmith, a celebrated tax-cutter and supporter of faith-based alternatives to welfare. Bush has also consulted Marvin Olasky, whose book The Tragedy of American Compassion provided the intellectual framework for conservative welfare reform.

Bush's beliefs are clearly rooted in his Christian faith. After giving up drinking at age 40, Bush had a conversation with Billy Graham that caused him, in his words, to "search my heart and recommit my life to Jesus Christ." It led him to begin reading the Bible and praying daily. He recently told the members of a Baptist church in Houston, "I firmly believe in the power of intercessory prayer, and I know I could not do my job without it." Among his strongest supporters are conservative evangelical leaders. Jerry Falwell is a good friend, though he has yet to issue a public endorsement.

Bush's faith is responsible for his emphasis on "compassionate conservatism." He obviously believes that we should care for the less fortunate and "leave no one behind." When pressed, though, he never advocates government as the source of compassion. He emphasizes cutting taxes, reforming welfare, strengthening the family, and unleashing faith-based and charitable "armies of compassion."

The conservative agenda, let's admit, could use a friendlier face. Republican setbacks on Capitol Hill have made clear that conservatives cannot govern the country from Congress. Bush fashions himself a conciliator and has demonstrated an ability to govern effectively with a Republican senate and a Democratic house in Texas. With a GOP Congress, he would be even better positioned to lead.

As president, Bush would prod Congress to move on his priorities: cutting taxes, modernizing entitlements, and restoring values. As governor, he signed the largest tax cut in state history in 1997, a $1 billion property-tax rollback. In 1999, he pushed through the state legislature an even larger tax cut of nearly $2 billion, a parental- notification bill on abortion, and a bill ending "social promotion" in the schools. He also championed a $25 million initiative that included funds for an abstinence campaign-a program he believes will not only dramatically reduce teen pregnancy and abortions, but usher in "a new era of responsibility."

As to abortion, Bush's views have been consistently pro-life. He favors, again, parental-consent laws, a ban on partial-birth abortion, and ultimately a constitutional amendment. He supports the pro-life plank in the Republican platform as a laudable statement of the party's principles. He recently recorded a videotaped statement to this effect that satisfied officials of the National Right to Life Committee. Small wonder he has attracted the support of some of the most respected pro- life leaders in the party, including Rep. Chris Smith of New Jersey.