German horse, French rider - European unity

National Review, May 28, 1990 by Conor Cruise O'Brien

THE EUROPEAN summit, held here on the weekend of April 28-29, has ended in a blaze of publicity about a European surge toward political unity, and about Mrs. Thatcher's "isolation" as a result of the surge in question. Mrs. Thatcher's political troubles are manifold and grave, but surely the least among them is her supposed isolation over a hypothetical entity going by the name of European political unity.

It is true that she does not want to give up the sovereignty of her country. But no European leader wants to make such a concession; no European country is prepared for anything of the kind. This should become apparent when the foreign ministers report on the six-week study period ordered by the Dublin summit.

The illusion of an impending United States of Europe-chancellor Kohl's phrase-has been engendered by the French and German governments for reasons which are quite different but capable of being expressed, for the moment, in terms of a joint aspiration toward European political unity.

On the German side, to appear to take the lead in a supposed surge toward European unity meets the needs of the real surge, which is toward German unity. The notion of European unity is used to put to rest the nagging fears which the notion of a united Germany arouses in the bosoms of other Europeans. Herr Kohl suggests such fears are groundless, for this united Germany will be part of a United States of Europe: no more of a menace to other European states than the state of Pennsylvania is to Delaware.

The French have different reasons for being enthusiastic about European unity. They see it as a means of keeping a united Germany under control. Their politicians and diplomats have long believed themselves to be exerting some kind of control over West Germany through the European Community. That control must now be strengthened so that an enlarged Germany can still be securely "anchored."

The French have a pertinent metaphor about a horse. French officials like to explain-to non-Germans-the concept that is, in their view, central to the working of the Community. This is the concept of a "partnership between horse and rider." The horse is German economic strength; the rider is French political intelligence. As it happens, the physical appearance of the present leaders of the two nations embodies this metaphor, with Herr Kohl easily perceived as the massive, ponderous horse, and M. Mitterrand the crafty little jockey.

To those of us who are not French, the idea of France being in a position of control over West Germany and about to extend that control over a united Germany may not seem very plausible. But to the French it is congenial, and therefore credible. They find the idea of European political unity acceptable, not because they have the slightest intention of abandoning any jot or tittle of French sovereignty, but because they see political unity as a smart wheeze for curbing the exercise of German sovereignty. When M. Mitterrand and Herr Kohl make a joint statement on political unity, the French see their clever president as leading that boche round by the nose. This naturally enhances their affection and esteem for him.

Of its nature, the Franco-German alliance on European political unity cannot have a long life. Its maximum duration will be the same as that of the two-plus-four" talks on German unity. Once those talks have resulted in agreement, the usefulness of European political unity as a topic of conversation will be at an end as far as Germany is concerned. And then the clever jockey in the tricolor silks will find that he is riding for a fall.

IN THE meantime, the British Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, should not find the discussions of the foreign ministers on political unity too difficult. Nobody really wants a United States of Europe. Even Herr Kohl has no intention of allowing his own office to dwindle to that of a state governor under a European president possessing powers, authority, and prestige similar to those of the President of the United States of America.

Any proposals from the German side are likely to be cosmetic, corresponding to the essentially cosmetic nature of the whole exercise from a German point of view. As for the French, it will tax even the celebrated ingenuity of their diplomats to come up with the formula they need, which is one that will leave French sovereignty intact while tying down the Germans.

By requiring the foreign ministers to examine the question and report back, Mrs. Thatcher has called the Franco-German bluff over political unity and has put Mr. Hurd in a strong position. When Mrs. Thatcher said "no political unity," she meant what she said. But when President Mitterrand and Chancellor Kohl said political unity," they meant a lot less than what they appeared to be saying. Just how much less will emerge from the meetings of the foreign ministers.

I expect there will be some tinkering with the European Parliament to make it look a little bit less of a nonsense than it is at present, but any extension of the powers of the European Parliament is likely to be at the expense of the European Commission in Brussels, rather than of national parliaments. Mr. Hurd will have little difficulty in fending off threats to the British crown and parliament.