Blacks and Jews

National Review, Jan 27, 1989 by Rachel Flick

FORMER PRESIDENT Jimmy Carter made a surprise appearance at the close of a recent conference on black-Jewish relations held at the Carter Presidential Center in Atlanta. True to form, Carter delivered himself of one central truth-and drew from it an entirely false conclusion.

"One of the most remarkable developments" since blacks and Jews cooperated to, spawn the American civil-rights movement in the 1950s and '60s, the former President astutely observed, is today's "cooperation between black leaders in this nation and the leaders of the Third World." Then the conclusion: "The things which bind us together are so much greater than the things which separate us."

It is certainly a fact that America's liberal black leadership has now cast its lot with those who call themselves the Third World. But the ties that bind that alliance together prevent others from joining it.

The sponsors of "The Black-Jewish Alliance: Reunion and Renewal"-the Marjorie Kovler Institute for Black-Jewish Relations, the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change, and the Carter Presidential Center-may have hoped that a reunion of the blacks and Jews who together helped to desegregate America would restore the now-troubled relations between these two blocs. But that Third World that President Carter talked about includes the Palestine Liberation Organization and its supporters, and -notwithstanding recent movement by the PLO itself -it has been strikingly hostile to Israel.

Black and Jewish leaders may once have agreed about civil rights, and non-activist blacks and Jews may remain compatible on many issues; but liberal black and Jewish leaders now undeniably disagree on issues of primary importance to each group. That disagreement began when blacks denounced Israel after the Six-Day War. It widened with Black Power and the ousting of whites from key civil-rights institutions. It was further poisoned by affirmative action, which indirectly injured Jews and awakened memories of anti-Jewish quotas. It has perhaps been finally destroyed by Jesse Jackson's alliance with frankly anti-Semitic groups.

What emerged in Atlanta, moreover, was that interest in repairing the alliance is one-sided. For Jews of the Reform tradition, as most of the civil-rights activists are, an alliance with the downtrodden is an essential part of feeling Jewish. But for blacks, Jews are white-a point tactfully and truthfully offered by Benjamin Hooks of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. In a nation which was forcefully segregated as recently as 25 years ago, blacks may need sympathetic whites, but they cannot be expected to be glad they need them,

The question is: When will the Jews jump parties? Notwithstanding the difficulty that such a change would pose for the Atlanta activists, rank-and-file Jewish voters are already signaling some such movement. What restrains Jewish voters from making the last leap to the GOP is in part the enormous step they would be taking in finally breaking with the liberal tradition of Reform Judaism. But in part, too, it is a habit of seeing the conservative social agenda, which is in part a Christian agenda, as a threat. (Author Jonathan Kaufman, calmly linking Christianity and Nazis, summarized this as "the whole fundamentalist Christian, Jerry Falwell, Nazis-on-Bush's-staff thing.")

At one time, perhaps, fear of Christian anti-Semitism had some basis. But when pressed to explain that fear now, Jews are unable to go beyond social incompatibility and the possibility that a Jewish child might be made uncomfortable by a school prayer. Compared to the recent outbreak of a truly virulent anti-Semitism on the Left, school prayer is a trifle.

AT THE CLOSE of the Atlanta conference, moderators asked participants briefly to suggest things blacks and Jews might do to improve their relations. Encourage membership in each other's organizations, said one participant. Recommend books each side should read, said another. Assist in voter registration, said a third.

William Strickland, former New England coordinator for the Jackson campaign, then raised his hand, and named the three pro-Jackson members of the Democratic National Committee who have backed the PLO. "If Bob Farrell, Ruth Anne Scaff, and Willie Barrow are removed from the Democratic National Committee simply because they are pro-PLO, I don't think the party will survive it."

There was an uncomfortable silence. Then everyone went right on talking about preparing curricula for mutual understanding. But they already understand each other perfectly.