Et Tu, Feingold? - Senator Russ Feingold supports confirmation of John Ashcroft as Attorney General

Progressive, The, March, 2001 by Ruth Conniff

Barney Frank also points out a flaw in Jackson's analysis of the Southern Democrats: Seven out of nine Southern Democrats voted against Ashcroft. "Every Democrat up for reelection in 2004 and every Democrat who wants to run for President opposed him," Frank says.

Unlike Jackson, Frank doesn't blame the Democratic Party for drifting away from its core principles. (And he doesn't miss a chance to take a swing at The Progressive for being overly friendly to Nader: "I suppose you think Ashcroft is utterly unimportant since there's no difference between the two parties," he chides.)

But Jackson is right in his general critique of the creeping conservatism of his party. And the issue among Southern Democrats is complex. Those who are up for reelection are engaged in a complicated dance. They know they need black votes to win back their seats in 2004--hence the votes against Ashcroft. But Eleanor Holmes Norton says, "You watch them do some conservative things when it comes to tax cuts to give something to the white, conservative voters." If one thing is clear about the Democratic Party now, it's that hanging on to seats in the divided Congress rules the day. Members will be taking stands to protect their seats, appeal to local constituencies, and put party unity second. "Without a President, we don't frame national issues. What happens is people split according to their political circumstances," says Norton.

Already, national gun control legislation is going by the boards. In a few key states--especially in the West, where Bush won--the Democrats calculate that the gun issue could cost them Congressional races. With control of Congress hanging in the balance, they aren't going to make a big stand on the issue as a party. "You won't have [House Minority Leader Dick] Gephardt out in front on that issue like before," says Norton.

Norton, who has been wooed by Bush as a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, says she's learning quickly not to underestimate him. "I don't want any more meetings!" she says. She sees parallels with Ronald Reagan, who was able to pick off Democratic votes and leave the party divided.

Feingold, for his part, objects to the notion that he was somehow coopted by the Republicans when he cast his vote for Ashcroft. Many speculated that he had made a deal to gain Republican support for the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform bill. Not so, he says. "If anything it makes it harder," he explains. "The last thing I want to do is generate controversy and division around my name. I have never made a connection like that between two issues, or struck a deal, and I think that people who know me know I never would. I think it's a consequence of cynicism, and it's understandable. People think if someone honestly makes a hard choice and is very straight in explaining the reasons for it, there must be some hidden motive. There is no hidden reason."

Feingold can also credibly argue that he didn't need to cast a vote for Ashcroft to please a bunch of moderate, Midwestern constituents. Then again, he has built his reputation on maverick positions and breaking ranks. Just by taking those stands--not because of the substance of them--he can solidify his support among all those independent voters.