Meet the new boss: quietly, Senate Republicans have already chosen Mitch McConnell as their next leader—because Congress just isn't partisan enough

Washington Monthly, Oct, 2006 by Zachary Roth, Cliff Schecter

But it's not just the amount that it has distributed that makes McConnell's leadership PAC noteworthy--it's the donors from whom it has raised money. McConnell has essentially abandoned the traditional small-donor direct-mail Republican fundraising model, in favor of large corporate contributors seeking legislative favors. Last year, the Bluegrass PAC did not raise a single dollar from a contributor who gave less than $200. By contrast, almost half of the money raised by Frist in the same year came from such contributors.

The strategy paid off. During the summer of 2004, Sen. Santorum openly expressed his interest in the leadership position--though he allowed that, "I am not as laser-beamed as Senator McConnell." But by the end of September, Santorum, realizing that McConnell had already locked up enough support to be a virtual shoo-in, declared that he would instead seek the whip's job. Since then, Trent Lott has publicly mused about making a run for his old post. Lott, an experienced legislator and smooth floor operator, retains a surprising degree of sympathy and respect amongst his colleagues, many of whom felt his punishment for expressing a fondness for segregation was excessive (overt racism is apparently low on many Senate Republicans' list of sins). But no knowledgeable observers see Lott as a real threat to McConnell. Still, the Kentuckian is taking nothing for granted. Since November 2004, he has given over $300,000 to the campaigns and PACs of his Senate colleagues and GOP challengers. Two months before the election, he has already given the maximum amount to almost every Republican Senate candidate in a competitive race.

No surrender

A recent press conference at the Capitol, on the subject of energy legislation, gave some hint of the differences between McConnell and the man he will replace. Frist--a tall, immaculately coiffed, square-jawed Tennessee surgeon--seemed almost to glow as he preened before the cameras. Behind him and a little to the side, his deputy stood staring impassively into space. With his pale complexion and gray, shapeless suit, McConnell appeared to exist in black and white. When it was his turn at the microphone, he used a dry, deliberate, and slightly monotonous speaking style to praise a colleague for his work on the bill, then quickly stepped aside.

He may not look as good as Frist, but many observers expect a more efficiently run Senate under McConnell. "I think you will not see Harry Reid run 'Roberts Rules of Order' circles around McConnell," says Chuck Todd, the editor of National Journal's Hotline, and a veteran Washington political observer. Indeed, of the few legislative successes that Frist has achieved, two of them--bills making it harder to bring class-action lawsuits and to file for bankruptcy--occurred when McConnell played a leading role. And it's no accident that both were among the most eagerly sought items of the party's corporate backers.

McConnell will also likely do more than Frist to help Republicans maintain control of the Senate. Some observers say they expect him to pressure certain of his colleagues with safer seats to share more of their campaign funds, with the goal of preserving or increasing the GOP majority. Already, McConnell has created a program that solicits money from top donors and sends it to candidates in the most critical races. In November 2004, it gave the maximum $10,000 to every Senate Republican incumbent facing an even remotely challenging race.