Taiwan Can't Shake Hands With China's Iron Fist

Insight on the News, May 28, 2001 by Su Tzen-ping

In a recent Washington Post interview, Jiang Zemin, the ultimate decisionmaker for the People's Republic of China (PRC), explicitly ruled out any final cross-strait arrangement other than Beijing's "one country, two systems" formula. This formula expressly is designed to reduce Taiwan to a local entity, a provincial government, under the central political authority of Beijing. The "one country, two systems" solution was developed 18 years ago, and Beijing's insistence on pressing Taiwan to accept the concept disingenuously ignores the fundamental political and social differences between Taiwan and the mainland. It also refuses to take into account the unprecedented democratic achievements of the Taiwanese people during the last 18 years.

Beijing's implementation of the "one country, two systems" model in Hong Kong and Macao has had mixed success. However, the administration of each of these two territories was transferred directly from a colonial government to Beijing.

Taiwan, on the other hand, is a democracy with its own national defense and foreign relations. Thus, any attempt to integrate the two sides of the Taiwan Strait will have to take into account the wishes of the Taiwanese people. That is why Taipei insists that the future "one China" issue must itself be discussed according to the principles of democracy and parity. And, in fact, various public-opinion polls taken during the last decade show a large majority of the Taiwanese people steadfastly oppose the "one country, two systems" formula.

One can't blame them for their reluctance. The mainland is plagued by authoritarian politics, rampant corruption and the authorities' disregard for the basic human rights of their own people. So how can the people of Taiwan trust Beijing to honor their human rights? The mainland regime has not even earned the right to request unification with Taiwan, let alone demand it. The existing political and social systems on the Chinese mainland hold no attraction whatsoever for us.

Given that the political future of the Taiwan Strait cannot reasonably be resolved without mutual dialogue and consultation, Taipei has taken concrete and constructive steps to resume the cross-strait dialogue with Beijing. In 1992, delegations from Taiwan and the mainland managed to reach significant mutual understandings on the cross-strait relationship. The spirit of the 1992 breakthrough involved dialogue, exchanges and agreeing to set aside controversial disputes. As Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian has pointed out, Taipei does not intend to avoid any issue, and discussions through established institutional channels for cross-strait communication should be the top priority for both sides.

But such dialogue must be conducted without any precondition. Any serious and effective solution to the protracted cross-strait stalemate will have to secure for both sides mutually acceptable rights to full control of defense capabilities and operations and a decent international status. Unfortunately, such considerations go beyond the parameters of Beijing's present unification gesture. Cross-strait dialogue especially is difficult under current circumstances, for it is overshadowed by Beijing's explicit threat of force and its accelerated deployment of missiles targeting Taiwan. You can't shake hands with an iron fist.

As a rapidly rising power with potential global influence, the Chinese mainland has been granted special foreign-policy concessions by all major countries -- especially the United States. Certainly, whether Beijing can resolve its dispute with Taiwan peacefully and reasonably will say much about its future international behavior.

In this regard, I would like to call to the attention of our American friends Taiwan's two essential requirements. First, Taiwan needs greater U.S. assistance to beef up its defense capability, particularly against the mainland's missile-attack capability. Second, Taiwan needs stronger U.S. support for its expanded participation in the international community. Specifically, this includes full membership in appropriate international organizations such as the World Health Organization.

Addressing both these needs would safeguard Taiwan's democracy. It also would help enhance the United States' own vital interests in the western Pacific Rim and encourage peaceful resolution of the cross-strait dispute. Only after Taiwan acquires greater leverage in dealing with the mainland will the Chinese Communist regime become convinced that bullying Taiwan no longer is an option. Inducing Beijing to act as a responsible member of the international community and to abide by all relevant rules and norms is beneficial to all parties involved.

We know that military procurements are not the only means of assuring Taiwan's defense. Genuine and lasting peace can only be ensured by constructive dialogue between Taipei and Beijing conducted through the established channel. Our military procurements and defense policy are mainly in response to the growing military threat from Beijing.