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Journal of Social History, Summer, 2008 by Blake Slonecker

The relationship between Harlem and African American protestors in Hamilton Hall, on the other hand, developed into a mutually supportive and increasingly integrated community. Mutual support between Harlem and Hamilton, however, did not eliminate political difference. Instead it united disparate constituencies into a practical consensus to address a common problem. SAS representative Ray Brown acknowledged: "There's probably a great deal of ideological difference between West Harlem [Community Organization] and Harlem CORE. But there was a consensus among all concerned--mainstream Democratic politicians, Republican bureaucrats and civil servants, militant activists and just regular community workers--that these student demands were valid and must be supported." (44) Brown added that, before long, Columbia's African American students even viewed "themselves essentially as an extension of the black community and that their primary identity is with the black community and not with the university community." (45) On Thursday evening, a group of Harlem activists marched across Columbia's campus. On Friday, a large contingent of African American high school students entered campus to mingle on the lawn outside Hamilton Hall. (46) SAS leaders emphasized the solidarity between Hamilton and Harlem in an open letter to the Harlem community that they distributed on Saturday: "Our victory is your victory. Your victory is our victory. Every victory for a Black Sister or Brother anywhere is a victory for ALL Black People everywhere." (47) The solidarity between Hamilton Hall and "Black People everywhere" suggests the unique public character of the Hamilton commune. (48)

Perhaps the most symbolically important characteristic of the Columbia protest is the extent to which the protest strategy effectively inverted the hierarchical relationship at the heart of the gym controversy. In protest of the perceived encroachment by a white academic institution upon a tract of land in an African American neighborhood, students and Harlem activists claimed a black-controlled space within the bounds of Columbia University. The irate response by Columbia's administration to the supposed invasion of its campus only legitimized the protestors' anger at the invasive nature of the Morningside Park development. Aside from the illegality of trespassing upon Columbia's property, the protestors must be credited for utilizing a distinctive strategy that dramatized the administration's disregard for the community by similarly disregarding the administration's claim to Hamilton Hall. Furthermore, by involving Harlem organizations from outside the traditional bounds of the University, Columbia activists aped the administration's activity with government organizations such as IDA. (49)

The African American eviction of white students from Hamilton obviously challenged protestor solidarity. Nevertheless, the experience sparked a renewed sense of purpose amongst SDS leaders and white protestors. They were determined that racial difference would not drive a wedge into the community. Eleanor Raskin, a Columbia law student, understood the relationship between black and white protestors with unusual perceptivity: