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"Loveliest daughter of our ancient Cathay!": representations of ethnic and gender identity in the Miss Chinatown U.S.A. beauty pageant
Journal of Social History, Winter, 1997 by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu
Furthermore, the study of the Miss Chinatown U.S.A. beauty pageant suggests the need to reevaluate dichotomous models of gender and ethnic systems. Beauty pageants do not simply victimize women through male domination; both women and men supported, as well as criticized, the pageant. Similarly, the cultural content of the pageant cannot be evaluated in terms of ethnic assimilation versus retention. Rather, both pageant supporters and critics defined ethnic identity by synthesizing elements of both Chinese and American traditions. While contending groups questioned their opponents' cultural authenticity and commitment to women's advancement, their conflicts often arose because they advocated different strategies to advance similar goals of gender and racial equality.
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A melting pot of the East and the West
From the very beginning of the pageant, organizers had an ideal image of Miss Chinatown contestants as the perfect blend of Chinese and American cultures. Businessman and community leader H. K. Wong, who is credited with coming up with the idea of the pageant, explained that contenders for the crown must have the "looks that made China's beauties so fascinating" as well as the language skills to answer "key questions" in their own native dialect during the quiz portion of the competition. In addition to these Chinese attributes, contestants had to display modem American qualities. They needed "adequate education, training and the versatility to meet the challenge of the modem world." The Cheong-sam (long gown) dresses that contestants wore symbolized this theme of "East-meets-West." First introduced by Manchu women of the Qing Dynasty, the Cheong-sam, "the figure-delineating sheath dress with high-necked collar and slit skirt," became "the national costume of Chinese women." For the purposes of the pageant, modem dressmakers modified the design of the Cheong-sam to emphasize the cleavage area, creating "the 'poured-in' look so highly desired." Furthermore, the slit up the side of the dress was increased "to endow the basically simple Cheong-sam with a touch of intrigue . . . [,] a tantalizing suggestion about the beauty of its wearer." This conception of Chinese American identity as a blend of East and West allowed pageant supporters to negotiate cultural, economic, and political tensions within the Chinese American community and with the broader community during the late 1950s and 1960s.(5)
Organizers argued that the beauty pageant demonstrated both the assimilation of the Chinese American community and their need to preserve Chinese culture. CCC leaders explained that they wanted to organize "something western" to attract the interest of the American-born generations as they became more assimilated. After nearly a century of racial exclusion and segregation, Chinese Americans became increasingly integrated into American society during the post-World-War-II era. Because of the alliance between China and the U.S. during the war, Chinese Americans for the first time gained the right to become naturalized citizens. With changes in segregationist residential restrictions after the War, middle-class Chinese Americans began moving out of Chinatown. They also gained access to white-collar jobs as occupational racial barriers decreased. These opportunities encouraged college-educated Chinese American women to join the labor force. The pageant provided a means for Chinese Americans to demonstrate their assimilation by inviting young, educated women to participate in an event which was becoming popular in American society during the post-War era, the beauty pageant.(6)
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