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16th century AD
Journal of Social History, Winter, 1997 by Kevin C. Robbins
Department of History Indianapolis, IN 46202-5140
ENDNOTES
The author wishes to thank the Journal's editor and anonymous reviewers who provided excellent, precise, and polite suggestions for improvements in earlier drafts of this article.
1. Older standard and regional histories of the French Protestant Reformation make no references to the folklores of the pays where Calvinism attracted large numbers of converts. See for example, Auguste Lievre, Histoire des protestants et des eglises reformees du Poitou, 3 vols. (Paris, 1856-1860); and John Vienot, Histoire de la reforme francaise des origines a l'Edit de Nantes (Paris, 1926). More recent studies either ignore the topic or devote scant attention to it. See Janine Garrisson-Estebe, Protestants du Midi 15591598 (Toulouse, 1980), 265-268; idem, Les protestants au XVIe siecle (Paris, 1988), a text more heavily emphasizing French Protestants' battles against Catholic superstitions; and Henry Heller, The Conquest of Poverty: The Calvinist Revolt in Sixteenth-Century France, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, vol. 35 (Leiden, 1986), a collection of articles on French Calvinism richly informed by social historical methods of inquiry but offering no analysis of interactions between ancient French folklore and new modes of orthodox religious devotion. Jean Delumeau's innovative article, "Les reformateurs et la superstition," Actes du colloque L'Amiral de Coligny et son temps (Paris, 1972), 451-487, focuses almost exclusively on critiques of heretical spiritualism put forth by the learned leaders of the European Reformations. The impact of indigenous folk magics on Calvinist confessionalization is not considered.
2. On the various attitudes toward magic typifying early modern French populations see the major works of Robert Muchembled, including: Culture populaire et culture des elites dans la France moderne (Paris, 1978); La Sorciere au village (Paris, 1979); and, in particular, his articles reworked and collected in Sorcieres, justice et societe aux 16e et 17e siecles (Paris, 1987), especially "Sorcellerie, culture populaire et christianisme," 33-59, and "Sorcieres du Cambresis," 89-205. Unfortunately, the most recent and scholarly compendium devoted to the history of anticlericalism in early modern Europe contains articles mainly focused on critiques of the clergy penned by erudite German and central European participants in Reformation controversies. See Peter A. Dykema and Heiko A. Oberman, eds., Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, vol. 51 (Leiden, 1993). Many recent studies of "popular religion" in early modern France remain rooted in sources generated by institutionalized churches themselves and seek to chart only the acculturation of the laity to official dogmas. See for example M.-H. Froeschle-Chopard, La religion populaire en Provence orientale au XVIIIe siecle (Paris, 1980).
3. Most of the articles collected by Dykema and Oberman in their admirable survey of central European anticlerical opinions reiterate material, political, and intellectual causes for strife between clergy and laity in early modern times. See, for examples, Robert J. Bast, Je geistlicher ... je blinder: Anticlericalism, the Law, and Social Ethics in Luther's Sermons on Matthew"; Scott H. Hendrix, "Considering the Clergy's Side: A Multilateral View of Anticlericalism"; and Hans-Christoph Rublack, "Anticlericalism in German Reformation Pamphlets," all in Dykema and Oberman, Anticlericalism, 367-378, 449459, and 461-489.