September 11 and the war against terrorism: The Greek reaction

Contemporary Review, Nov, 2002 by Konstantinos Kotzias

In early 1999 the Greek government again faced a crisis and severe public reactions after the capture of the Kurdish leader Abdulah Ocalan. During the Kosovo crisis that followed, the government had to perform an acrobatic act in order to keep the Greeks content and at the same time stay aligned with NATO. There were again some reactions and demonstrations from a highly politically diverse and rather emotional public. The following year Simitis was again re-elected to the position of Prime Minister, and Greece was participating militarily in NATO efforts as part of the KEOR (Kosovo Force). The explanation of the paradox that the public has a different view but approves the official policy, as argued by a Greek demonstrator during the Kosovo crisis, is that '. . . we are the public, not the policy makers therefore we can say and think what we like'. This points to the evolution of politics in Greece and the disillusionment that the Greek public suffered after the politically passionate and polarised 1980s, whi ch ended with a controversial co-operation between the Greek communist party (KKE) and the conservative ND (New Democracy) in 1989. The ideological disillusionment and confusion was more noticeably demonstrated when the Greek composer and symbol of the 'left' Mikis Theodorakis joined ND and more recently the ultra nationalist journalist Liana Kaneli joined the Greek Communist Party.

The last two Greek elections were characterised by relative apathy and named 'sofa elections' because the traditional involvement of the Greek public with the political parties was minimal and the majority of the debates were watched on television. The Greeks seemed happy to vote for the un-charismatic but efficient and organised Simitis who promised and delivered success for the Greek economy and the admittance to the European monetary union. The EU became the prime objective for Greece and the introduction of the euro earlier this year was celebrated as a great success. The ideological disillusionment, however, has made the public suspicious and cynical towards the political elites and the motives of the world powers. The general belief is that interests dictate policy and very rarely values and principles. This belief was reinforced by Henry Kissinger's recent article where he stated that the issue is not to hit international terrorism but for the US to 'adjust the world order'. These perspectives create d isappointment among the public with Western/American double standards. Furthermore they generate the fear that these interests, as those in Cyprus, may turn against them. The absence of a more active and independent European foreign policy together with the weakening of the UN also generates disappointment. The disbelief and suspicion of the official accounts of events often cause the public to seek other, even conspiratorial, explanations.

On morality and values, things are rather relative, as many of the traditional 'left' who participate in today's pacifist/anti-American demonstrations remained silent, if not approving, during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. The despicable parallelism, which was attempted of the terrorist attack, with glorious and heroic actions of the revolutionary Greeks of the nineteenth century, reveals blind prejudices. These prejudices do not allow the Greeks to realise the elasticity of their own morality as demonstrated during the war in Bosnia when Orthodox Serbs slaughtered Muslims and the Greeks approved and supported them in every way. Suddenly, after the terrorist attack, some Greeks discovered that Islam is not dangerous, but a victim of the Papist and Imperialist West which also threatens their interests. The simplistic distinction between the 'just and unjust war', which Greeks often adopt (and at the same time accuse the US of), has to do with the Greek mentality. The mentality of the victim, of t he conspiracies, and as argued by many, the mentality of jealousy towards the powerful West. The mentality of the victim, however, is more often based on myths. Considering Greece's position in the world today and comparing Greece with its neighbouring countries confirms that Greece is far from being a victim of Western imperialism. Although its Western direction was largely compulsory and enforced upon it, it has proved to be most beneficial.