Georgia meets the test of its independence

Contemporary Review, March, 2004 by Alec Rasizade

THE recent upheaval in the Republic of Georgia is a compelling story of a nation struggling to cope with the harsh realities of its own independence and the bitter memories of socialism. As tensions mount and tempers flare in this country as it tries to maintain its Caucasian dignity amidst the gloom of having to adjust to a capitalistic 'global economy', the democratically elected new leadership becomes their final chance for stability and an escape from the Third World. On 4 January 2004, in probably the fairest election in Georgia's history, Mikhail Saakashvili was declared the winner of the presidential poll. But the arrival of his generation of Western-educated leaders could also deal a powerful blow that would shatter the tenuous dreams of ordinary Georgians forever.

Eduard Shevardnadze stepped down as Georgian president on 23 November 2003, thereby resolving the constitutional deadlock precipitated by the seizure of parliament the previous day by supporters of the opposition National Movement leader, Mikhail Saakashvili.

The resignation of Shevardnadze can be characterized as the end of the so-called 'transition period', for its significance transcends Georgia's borders. It was the first breach in the shroud of authoritarianism that descended over the former Soviet republics since the demise of the USSR. Georgia's revolution was also the first success for G.W. Bush's new doctrine of encouraging 'regime changes' in the countries of the Middle East and Central Asia.

Shevardnadze entered the political spotlight in 1972 as the First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party. In 1985, he became one of Mikhail Gorbachev's closest associates and, as the USSR foreign minister, helped to bring down the Berlin Wall, conclude the Cold War, and hasten the end of the Soviet empire. After the break-up of the USSR, Shevardnadze returned to Tbilisi in 1992 to head the State Council, the interim authority that governed the republic in the wake of the civil war, which had forced Zviad Gamsakhurdia, independent Georgia's first president, from power.

Shevardnadze was then elected as president in a popular vote in 1995, and won re-election for a second term five years afterward. Georgia experienced harsh times during his presidency. He was unable to ensure either political or economic stability, and the once prosperous Georgia plunged into the Third World. Shevardnadze failed also to reestablish the territorial integrity of his country, as its three autonomous regions--Abkhazia, Adjaria and South Ossetia--operated beyond his control.

By contrast to 76-year-old Shevardnadze, the 36-year-old Saakashvili was educated at prestigious American universities on scholarships generously provided by US funds operating in Georgia. His political career comprises the period of independence, with no roots in the Soviet period. Soon after Shevardnadze appointed him justice minister upon his return from the USA, Saakashvili set off a furore at a cabinet meeting, showing documents and photographs which proved that fellow ministers had acquired expensive villas from their proceeds of corruption. He resigned from the Shevardnadze cabinet, saying he found it immoral to remain in such a corrupt government, formed a radical opposition party, the National Movement, then was elected mayor of Tbilisi and turned that highly visible position into his power base in preparation for national elections.

The official figures from the 2 November 2003 parliamentary elections showed the pro-Shevardnadze New Georgia bloc came in first with the Democratic Revival Union headed by Aslan Abashidze, the feudal lord of Adjaria, second. In the third place was the National Movement of Saakashvili. Then, with lower numbers, came the Labour Party appealing to people who lost out with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Labour leader Shalva Natelashvili, a Shevardnadze opponent, is also wary of Saakashvili's intentions, alleging that the new president would hasten the destruction of the country's social infrastructure. Natelashvili does not recognize the January presidential election of Saakashvili as valid, and intends to challenge the outcome in an international court.

Saakashvili accused Shevardnadze of fabricating the official results of the 2003 parliamentary elections and deftly orchestrated civil disobedience, choosing a red rose as a symbol and urging the protesters to avoid violence and bloodshed. The catalyst for the 'rose revolution' appears to have been the US reaction to these controversial elections. Speaking in Washington on 20 November 2003, the Department of State spokesman criticized the results promulgated by the Georgian Central Election Commission as 'deeply disappointing', saying that they 'do not accurately reflect the will of the Georgian people, but instead reflect massive vote fraud in Adjaria and other Georgian regions'. That was the first time ever that the US has openly accused the leadership of a former Soviet republic of rigging an election.

The opposition construed that verdict as conveying tacit approval of their stated plans to force Shevardnadze to step down as a preliminary to holding repeat parliamentary elections and a pre-term presidential ballot. Saakashvili declared on 21 November that he was mobilizing supporters to demand Shevardnadze's immediate resignation and to prevent the new parliament convening. He also adopted new symbols such as the medieval red-cross flag of Queen Tamar, which he intends to make Georgia's new national flag.