The social networks and resources of African American eighth graders: evidence from the National Education Longitudinal study of 1988

Adolescence, Spring, 1999 by Renee Smith-Maddox

Network analysts (Lin, 1990; Montgomery, 1992) have argued that people of color and those of lower socioeconomic status have more to gain from the use of weak ties than do white and wealthy people. However, some researchers have long suspected that low-income and minority students are denied access to social networks (Braddock & McPartland, 1987; Wilson, 1987). Exclusionary barriers to useful information and valuable opportunities are likely to be present early in both the school and out-of-school experiences of poor African American students. Thus, social class and race may play a crucial role in the structure and strength of an individual's social network.

Social reproduction theory posits that social networks are perpetuated across generations. This gives children of wealthy and well-educated parents an additional advantage, especially in school (Lareau, 1987; Useem, 1991). Schooling, in turn, fosters further inequality by valuing the social and cultural experiences of the intellectual and economic elite and devaluing those of the lower classes.

In short, educational and career aspirations and outcomes are influenced by the social and cultural resources embedded in adolescents' social networks, their curriculum track placement, and social class.

Focus of the Present Research

Although the high school years have traditionally been the time to prepare for college or career, some believe that cultivating youths' educational goals and career interests should begin during the middle school years (Hart, 1993; Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1989; California State Department of Education, 1987). Middle school is a key juncture because it may represent the last chance to develop a sense of academic purpose and personal commitment to educational goals.

This study was restricted to African American eighth graders for several reasons. First, African American children and adolescents are still not faring well in the American educational system (Braddock & Dawkins, 1993; Irvine, 1991; Shujaa, 1995). They are failing, being retained, and dropping out in record numbers. Recognizing the persistence of their lack of achievement and their resistance to the schooling process, it is hypothesized that a network of interested individuals can reverse this trend. Second, early adolescents begin developing notions of life goals, but they face unprecedented choices and pressures. They therefore require guidance to help them find the right path to becoming productive adults. Finally, their attitudes toward the role of education in their lives arise from interactions with people and institutions. Understanding the interrelationship of social networks, track placement, and social class is critical for assisting them to succeed as they make the transition to high school.

METHOD

Sample and Data Source

This study used cross-sectional data from 3,009 African American eighth graders who participated in the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88). NELS:88 was a large-scale, nationally representative, longitudinal study sponsored by the National Center for Education Statistics. It was designed to collect data on the experiences of eighth graders as they made the transition from middle or junior high school to high school. The data examined here were taken from the NELS:88 base-year survey of students, parents, and teachers.