"You learn and learn and learn…. and then you are an adult": parental perceptions of adolescence in contemporary Swaziland

Adolescence, Summer, 2003 by Margaret Zoller Booth

Consequently, the activities and ceremonies which traditionally have taken place during the periods of lijaha and lichikiza are a celebration of those aspects of Swazi society which are most important--reproduction, extension of the family, and continuance of the clan lineage. It must be noted that this period of preparation for adulthood extends much longer for males than females. The additional Swazi stages for women (ingcugce and makoti) underscore the extreme importance placed on marriage and childbearing for Swazi women. A Swazi woman enters new stages when she is ready for marriage, marries, and becomes a mother. Thus, reproduction and motherhood become the primary roles for women.

Based on the anthropological literature, we can say that traditional Swazi society includes a period which we can define as adolescence if we employ Schlegel's (1998) biosocial conceptualization. She states that the biosocial definition of adolescence "derives from the observation that the human life cycle includes a period between childhood and adulthood during which its participants behave and are treated differently than either their seniors or their juniors" (p. 11). Her argument is that it is a stage whose primary purpose is to prepare individuals for their reproductive roles in society. While this seems applicable to traditional Swazi society, it is important to understand contemporary perceptions of this age group in Swaziland in order to comprehend societal expectations for these young people.

Contrary to Kuper's and Marwick's earlier studies, expectations for young people have changed as a result of Westernization and industrialization. There have been major modifications among this age group in terms of attitudes regarding sexual practices, due to the missionary influence and Western schooling (Booth, 2000). In 1997, 55 percent of males and 54 percent of females of high school age were enrolled in secondary school (UNICEF, 2001). While this represents just over half, the majority of children hope to attend secondary school, as it has become a prerequisite for gainful employment (Booth, 1983). Furthermore, the umcwasho and iNcwala ceremonies are voluntary and have seen a decrease in participation in recent years. Young, educated women in particular have begun to view the ritual "reed dance" as being backward, insofar as it emphasizes their traditional procreative and domestic roles (Booth, 1983).

Based on these recent societal changes, it may be that a more Western approach, incorporating training in social and professional skills which have not necessarily been part of the lijaha and lichikiza stages, is being taken. Consequently, in order to understand contemporary expectations for this age group, it is necessary to investigate present-day interpretations of "adolescence" in Swaziland, to the extent that such a concept exists.

METHOD

Student Sample

Interviews were conducted in 1998 with the parents of Swazi students who had been participating in a longitudinal study conducted in Swaziland from 1990 to 1998 (Booth, 1991, 1995, 1996, 1997, 2000). The original sample consisted of 80 Grade 1 students (45 females and 35 males), between the ages of 5 and 8 years (M = 6.5), from six rural schools distributed throughout Swaziland. The study followed the school progress and academic achievement of those students for nine years. All schools were visited by the researcher and a Swazi research assistant in 1990, 1994, and 1998. As a result of the high drop-out rate from school and several deaths, only 54 of the students (26 males and 28 females) remained in the school system in 1994.