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Stigmatization of Non-Normative Family Size Status - Statistical Data Included

Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, Dec, 1999 by Karla A. Mueller, Janice D. Yoder

Janice D. Yoder [1]

Prior person perception studies exposed normative expectations about family size such that voluntary childfree and single-child women were stigmatized and large-family mothers were glorified. In contrast, self-reports find no differences in subjective well-being among these non-normative and 2 to 3 child, normative women. To explore mostly white, college-educated, employed women's experiences with their real-life family size choices, interviews were conducted with 15 voluntary childfree, 15 one-child, and 15 supernormative mothers of 4+ children, and 15 normative mothers completed a comparison survey. Quantitative and qualitative analyses revealed patterns of universal satisfaction, yet stigmatization across the three non-normative groups, such as pressure from outsiders (including medical professionals) to stay within normative parameters persisted. One-child and supernormative mothers reported that others are critical of their child's well-being, intimating selfishness and neglect, respectively. These findi ngs help coalesce the conclusions of earlier studies.

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Numerous studies have shown that voluntarily childfree women are stigmatized. The voluntarily childfree were perceived as socially undesirable, less well adjusted, less nurturant, more autonomous, and more socially distant than individuals of all other fertility classes (Polit, 1978). Childfree individuals were also characterized as being selfish, atypical, moody, bitter, less sensitive, less loving, emotionally maladjusted, as leading less fulfilling lives, and as being miserable in old age (Jamison, Franzini & Kaplan, 1979; Shields & Cooper, 1983). Other research finds that people tend to expect childfree marriages to be unstable or short-lived (Polit, 1978; Ross & Kahan, 1983). The focus of all of these studies was on stereotypes attributed by others to the voluntarily childfree. However, not one of these stereotypes has been substantiated through empirical evaluation of actual childfree women. Rather, several studies find individuals of both sexes benefiting from their childfree status in the forms of rel atively better health, greater feelings of well-being, and greater marital satisfaction (Houseknecht, 1979; Renne, 1975).

As for the common belief that childfree persons are necessarily unhappy people, this also was shown to be a misperception. Connidis and McMullin (1993) demonstrated no significant difference in subjective wellbeing between older voluntarily childfree women and older mothers. Callan and Hennessey (1989) also found no differences between mothers and voluntarily childfree women on measures of self-esteem, psychological affect, and life adjustment. One study documented that having children actually seemed to have a detrimental effect on overall or global happiness that is only offset by the fact that the majority of individuals with children are married, a factor correlated with increased global happiness (Glenn & Weaver, 1979).

Polit (1978) explored attitudes toward women having a variety of family size statuses. Polit (1978) asked participants to rate targets depicted as having either: no children (involuntarily); no children (voluntarily); onechild; two children; four children; or eight children. Polit (1978) found that the family-size status which was regarded most favorably was involuntary childlessness, while voluntarily childless targets were stereotyped most negatively. Polit's (1978) study uncovered several other interesting tendencies. She found that not only were voluntarily childfree couples perceived unfavorably, but so were those depicted as having only one child. Furthermore, eight-child parents were viewed in a relatively positive light, second only to the involuntarily childfree targets and, surprisingly, ahead of the normative two-child family.

Mueller and Yoder (1997) conceptually replicated Polit's (1978) study, collecting vignette data from college undergraduates regarding their perceptions of women targets who chose to have no, one, two, or eight children. We also explored participants' perceptions of women targets who were nonemployed, employed part time, or employed full time in a gender-appropriate (nursing professor) or gender-inappropriate (engineering professor) profession. Although the female target's employment did tend to affect participants' attitudes toward them, the findings of greater relevance to the present study are the strong significant main effects relating to family-size. Mueller and Yoder (1997) essentially replicated Polit's (1978) findings, with childfree targets receiving the least favorable ratings and eight-child targets being somewhat glorified. Childfree targets were expected to lead less fulfilling lives, be more unhappy at age 65, have poorer parenting abilities, be less fond of children, and have less rewarding li ves in the next 10 years than all other targets. Mueller and Yoder's (1997) one-child target also fell prey to negative stereotyping, although not to the same extent as the voluntarily childfree target. One-child mothers were expected to have less fulfilling lives and to like children less than mothers with two or eight children. They also were expected to lead less rewarding lives in the next 10 years than the eight-child target. The eight-child woman was expected to be fonder of children than all other targets, have a more rewarding life in the next 10 years (significantly more so than the childfree and one-child targets), and lead a more fulfilling life (again significantly more so than the childfree and one-child targets.) In sum, deviations below the normative family-size are devalued whereas deviations above the norm are glorified, implying an almost linear relationship between number of children and perceived level of happiness.

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Stigmatization of Non-Normative Family Size Status - Statistical Data Included

Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, Dec, 1999 by Karla A. Mueller, Janice D. Yoder

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