The Role of Sexual Behavior in the Identification Process of Gay and Bisexual Males - Statistical Data Included

Journal of Sex Research, May, 2000 by Eric M. Dube

Sexual behavior plays a significant role in the development of sexual-minority (gay and bisexual) males. Research spanning the last three decades illustrates that sexual-minority males exhibit greater sexual freedom--engaging in more sex with partners (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983), meeting partners in highly sexualized environments (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983), approving of sex without love (Klinkenberg & Rose, 1994; Lever, 1994; Tripp, 1975), reporting more sex partners (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Lever, 1994), and developing sexually nonexclusive romantic relationships (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Kurdek, 1989; McWhirter & Mattison, 1984)--than their heterosexual and lesbian counterparts.

Extant research suggests that sexual behavior facilitates the development of close relationships and the garnering of friends (Klinkenberg & Rose, 1993; Nardi, 1992). But sexual freedom and its significance have not been embraced by all gay and bisexual males. Many males do not engage in sex with numerous partners, and many same-sex male couples report a lifetime of sexual exclusivity (Bryant & Demian, 1994; Deenen, Gijs, & van Nearssen, 1994; Kurdek, 1989; Savin-Williams, 1998). More specifically, one study found that younger cohorts of sexual-minority males place less emphasis on sexual behavior and the sexual aspect of close relationships than do older cohorts of males (Deenen et al., 1994). What role does sexual activity play in the development of sexual-minority males? Can a model of sexual identity development account for the diversity found within these populations? Is age cohort the best predictor of this variance?

The current research addresses these questions by testing whether the timing of first sexual encounter is common across age cohort, and whether the timing of this event better predicts levels of adjustment to sexual identity and lifetime relationship involvement than age cohort alone.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH

Coming-Out Models

Sexual identity development models, also known as coming-out models, suggest that sexual-minority males develop same-sex attractions during childhood, engage in sex with other males during early adolescence, and first identify themselves as gay or bisexual during late adolescence or early adulthood (Cass, 1979; Coleman, 1982; Troiden, 1989). Empirical investigations into this process have generally supported this progression from sexual exploration with same-sex peers to self-labeling for White sexual-minority males (D'Augelli, 1991; Herdt & Boxer, 1993; Savin-Williams, 1990, 1998; Sears, 1991; Weinberg, 1978). Thus, sexual identity models predict that sexual behavior aids in the understanding and identification of attractions and personal identity. It is important to note that these writers do not infer that sexual behavior causes individuals to identify as gay; rather, sexual behavior confirms their suspicions that they are not heterosexual and helps construe their attractions and behavior into a personal identity. Taken collectively, these findings suggest that same-sex sexual behavior may be a catalyst for sexual identity formation.

These models do not, however, describe the large number of sexual-minority males who do not use sexual behavior to arrive at a gay identity. More specifically, coming-out models do not outline a sequence in which sexual-minority males label their sexual identity before engaging in sex with other males. The absence of alternate pathways to a sexual identity may be due to the common coming-out experiences of older males, who comprised most research samples used to investigate the coming-out process. Some research, however, has shown that a significant number of males report labeling their sexual identity before engaging in sexual behavior with other males (D'Augelli, 1991; Savin-Williams, 1998).

Age Cohort and Sexual Identity Development

One way of understanding within-group diversity among sexual-minority males is age cohort. The influence of age cohort on sexual identity development has received moderate attention from psychologists (Boxer & Cohler, 1989). In the 1970s and early 1980s, psychologists focused on the process by which gay males established a positive identity. This research frequently used samples of self-identified White males living in urban areas because these populations were the most readily available for and willing to participate in social science research. Consequently, much of the current literature relies on the experiences of these nonrepresentative groups.

Limited social resources existed for these gay males, beyond the bars and bathhouses in which many socialized. Few males were able to develop support networks beyond those they developed in sexualized contexts. Thus, many sexual-minority males from this era labeled and disclosed their sexual identity in highly sexualized contexts, and equated their sexual identity with their sexual behavior. The resultant models of research on these populations reflected the nearly universal experience of establishing a sexual identity only after years of denial, questioning, and same-sex sexual behavior. In fact, Weinberg (1978) found that only 2 of the 30 males he interviewed had reported labeling themselves as gay before ever engaging in sex with other males. The remaining 28 males identified themselves as gay after years of same-sex sexual behavior.


 

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