Men Who Sell Sex: International Perspectives on Male Prostitution and HIV/AIDS. - Review - book review

Journal of Sex Research, May, 2000 by Manuel Fernandez-Alemany

This study of cacherismo was framed around three questions: (a) "What is the sexual discourse of men who are masculine, who are attracted to women, and who sell themselves to other men?"; (b) "Are there factors that lead to contradictions between discourse and sexual practice?"; and (c) "What type of sexual culture emerges as a result of these contradictions?" (p. 5). The reader learns that differences between what cacheros say and do have to do with what Schifter calls compartmentalization; that is, cacheros ignore or deny important facts about their behavior because of the insurmountable cultural pressures related to being a man in Costa Rica.

According to the book, the two interviewers (whose identities are not disclosed even though their gay sexualities are) were unable to interview the clients who attended the brothel, so they were not able to consider "What attracts them to prostitutes and why they take risks with cacheros" (p. 20). On several occasions, however, the book includes narratives from clients, and two clients are even mentioned by name ("Jose" and "Pedro," p. 75). The reader cannot help but wonder whether these clients were personal acquaintances of the interviewers or author and/or if there actually was some informal interviewing going on between researchers and clients. Therefore, a clearer stance in respect to the role that clients played in the study is needed. This is particularly true in the cases where clients from the U.S. are mentioned. This piece of data, which was neglected for further consideration by the author, is actually quite important, especially in light of the globalization of sex work, sex tourism, and the political economy of prostitution, which reflects clear power inequalities that are not merely based on class but also on nationality.

It would have been useful to see this work engaging more critically with cachero discourse. The authors seem to buy into the cacheros'justifications for selling sex to other men, even in cases when cacheros justify their "unpleasant" work with simplistic arguments, such as their need of money to buy cigarettes or beer (p. 101). Rather than accepting these explanations, it would have been interesting to see when cacheros allude to economic need, and when they do not. Such an analysis would allow us to learn more about their ideologies of masculinity. For instance, are cacheros more likely to mention economic need when admitting to giving blowjobs or being penetrated than when they admit to having received blowjobs or having penetrated someone else, and how does this articulate with prevalent ideologies of masculinity?

Lila's House effectively challenges the stereotype that prostitution promotes drug use, but the fact that most cacheros had serious problems of drug use is also undeniable. The reader may wonder to what extent the illegality and marginality of the context in which male prostitution takes place in Costa Rica would make cacherismo more attractive to youngsters who want to move away from restrictive social norms. After all, Lila's house is a place of licentiousness, where forbidden sex (but also sex with one's girlfriend) and drugs are allowed. Lila's house represents a space of freedom and alternative experiences. It is left to the future to see if cacherismo and houses like Lila's will exert the same appeal over these young men once prostitution becomes regularized and homosexuality less of a taboo in Costa Rica.