Slimness and Self-rated Sexual Attractiveness: Comparisons of Men and Women in Two Cultures - Statistical Data Included

Journal of Sex Research, May, 2001 by Elina Haavio-Mannila, Semi Purhonen

The concepts of body and corporeality have been popular topics in sociology and cultural studies since the 1980s (e.g., Frank, 1990; Morgan & Scott, 1993; O'Neill, 1985; Shilling, 1993; Turner, 1991, 1992, 1996; Williams & Bendelow, 1998). Many studies in this field have concentrated on aspects which treat the body as a representative and symbolic phenomenon, or conceptualize corporeality in relation to themes such as sex/gender division and medicalization (Turner, 1996, pp. 31-32; cf. Frank 1990). The general relevance of the body for sociology is twofold in that the body is simultaneously a source of self-identity (Giddens, 1991; Shilling, 1993) and functions as an expression of social and personal identity (Falk, 1994). In contemporary society, the body is considered a representation of oneself, and looking "good" means mostly the same as looking sexually attractive (Turner, 1994, 1996).

Besides feminist discussions on the definition and shaping of the female body, Foucault's analyses on power and sexuality (Foucault, 1977, 1980a) have had a great influence on this relatively recent interest in corporeality. An essential point in the modern knowledge and power organization is the internalization of external roles into self-control, focusing on norms instead of laws. Power is not just repressive (e.g., in relation to sexuality), but also productive, subjectifying, and individualizing. Foucault (1980a, pp. 135-145) called it "biopower," which works primarily through bodies, and hence it is important to concentrate on "those continuous and uninterrupted processes which subject our bodies, govern our gestures, dictate our behaviours" (Foucault, 1980b, p. 97).

Body image (Schilder, 1964), broadly defined as a conception (or, indeed, an image or picture) a person has of his or her own body, is one of the terms which has been used in order to integrate physiological, psychical, and social aspects of the human body (e.g., Weiss, 1999; Williams, 1996). The body image is constructed throughout the whole life history in interaction with the processes taking place in one's own body and in the surrounding world. In addition to physical conditions, values and norms in a given society (i.e., the whole cultural milieu in which the individual operates) are also important in producing the body image. In this respect, the key element of the body image is a person's outer appearance which gives his or her body its social meaning and works as a role-giver (e.g., old or young, beautiful or ugly) (Blinnikka & Uusitalo, 1988; Grogan, 1999). Thus, not so surprisingly, the body image has been said to be closely linked with sexual attractiveness (e.g., Charles & Kerr, 1986).

The relationship between weight and height, the body mass, is an important aspect of the objective and subjective image of the body. In Western societies, slimness is appreciated as an indicator of beauty, good health, self-discipline, and sexual attractiveness. Cultural prejudice in favor of slenderness and the requirements of neat appearance and figure in general are directed especially to women (e.g., Bordo, 1993; Chemin, 1983; Hesse-Biber, 1996; Lawrence, 1987; Orbach, 1978; Seid, 1989; Wolf, 1990). Bordo (1993) has argued that taking care of one's physical appearance and the constant cultivating of one's body has become an important moral issue: A youthfully slim, firm, and properly muscular body symbolizes self-control and will power, while an overweight and aging body is stigmatized and experienced as shameful and repulsive.

In this article, we examine the relationship between body mass index (BMI) and sexual attractiveness (i.e., the subjective feeling or perception of one's own sexual attractiveness) among adult populations in Finland and St. Petersburg, Russia. Although there are many previous studies on topics which cover topics such as body image and bodily dissatisfaction,(1) they have typically been based on studies of small, specialized populations, and as Wiederman and Hurst (1998) have correctly stressed, the connections between body image, body size, and sexuality have remained surprisingly unexplored. In addition to trying to find out if there is a connection between BMI and sexual attractiveness and, if there is one, how it varies according to gender and culture, we also want to shed some light on the role of sexual activity and sexual satisfaction as mediators in this relationship.

As slimness in (late) modern culture is considered to be an essential element of beauty and attractiveness, our first hypothesis was that thin people consider themselves sexually more attractive than heavy ones. Because the slimness ideology is taken more seriously by women than by men (e.g., Bordo, 1993; Grogan, 1999; Orbach, 1978; Wolf, 1990), our second hypothesis was that there is a stronger association between slimness and sexual self-assurance among women than men.

According to a widespread view (e.g., Schwartz, 1986; Seid, 1989; Wolf, 1990), a preoccupation with slimness as a beauty ideal is both historically and culturally bound phenomenon which is today especially strong in Western societies where being overweight, among other things, is seen as being caused by factors within the individual's own control (Crandall & Martinez, 1996; cf. Nassar, 1988). The communist ideology in the Soviet Union was anti-individualistic and opposed commercialism and advertisement, which in the West have effectively spread the slimness ideal. We thus expected that the body mass index has more influence on the sexual attractiveness in Finland than in St. Petersburg, which until recently has not been as much influenced by Western cultural ideals.