Attitudes and use of pornography in the Norwegian population 2002

Journal of Sex Research, May, 2004 by Bente Traeen, Kristin Spitznogle, Alexandra Beverfjord

Since the 1970s, changes have taken place in the pornography market in Sweden and Finland. The consumption of pornography has increased in terms of supply, variability, and accessibility (Kontula & Haavio-Mannila, 1995; Lewin, 1997). Pornography and pornographic material for a variety of tastes can be obtained in convenience stores, (sex) shops, mail order, cable TV, videos, and on the Internet. This applies to the Norwegian context as well. However, no research has been carried out in Norway to find out what kind of pornographic materials are used, by whom, and how often. We also have little knowledge about attitudes toward pornography in the Norwegian population. The goal of the present study was to investigate these questions.

Sexual culture in the Nordic countries is different from that of the majority of other Western industrialized countries, including the U.S. (Lewin, 1991; Traeen, 1993). The social acceptance of adolescent and female sexuality is significantly greater in the Nordic countries than in most other Western cultures. Another central feature of the Nordic sexual culture is fewer restrictions against nudity, but more restrictions against touching of the body. In Finland, attitudes toward pornography are shown to be positively associated with attitudes towards nudity (Kontula & Haavio-Mannila, 1995).

Literature searches in scientific databases do not reveal many studies on the use of pornography in representative population samples worldwide, although some studies have been conducted in Sweden. Furthermore, the similarities between the Nordic countries make Sweden and Finland reasonable countries to compare to Norway. In 1996, 68% of Swedish women and 94% of the men reported ever having read a pornographic magazine, and 67% of the women and 89% of the men reported having seen a pornographic film (Lewin, 1997). Thirty percent of Swedish women and 57% of the men claimed they had seen a pornographic film during the past 12 months.

The Nordic sexual culture is characterized by an ideology of gender equality (Lewin, 1979). In spite of this, gender differences in sexual matters are common research findings. Swedish and Finnish data indicate gender differences in attitudes toward use of pornographic material (Kontula & Haavio-Mannila, 1995; Lewin, 1997). Also, a population survey among 18- to 49-year-olds in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, found gender differences in attitudes toward pornography (Traeen, 1998). Women indicated more often than men that pornography should be forbidden, whereas more men than women indicated that pornography can be sexually stimulating. However, compared to 18- to 74-year-old Swedes, men and women in Oslo expressed more positive attitudes toward pornography (Lewin, Fugl-Meyer, Helmius, Lalos, & Mansson, 1997).

Expressions of sexuality must be considered in the context of time, culture, and society. As with any other expression of sexuality, this also applies to pornography. The term pornography is often used to label products that one finds unacceptable, is often tied to censorship, and is likely to be shameful to many who reveal personal use of pornography. Like many other larger cities, Oslo is divided economically, socially, and culturally. This division is most often coded as "east versus west." The division mirrors reality in that the western parts of the city score higher on markers like social status and health. Thirty years ago, shops selling pornographic material were situated in back streets of eastern Oslo. Today, however, several such shops are found in Oslo's central and western parts. As a result of long-term policies encouraging equality, the dominating social class in contemporary Norway is a widely based middle-class. Because of this, prevailing attitudes and norms related to pornography can be perceived as expressing middle-class values. When porn shops exist in the heart of Oslo's urban landscape, this can be regarded as an indication of what the Norwegian middle class finds socially acceptable. Nevertheless, the discussion of censorship continues, although public debate focuses primarily on (a) the degradation of women, (b) pornography that involves individuals who are incapable of consent, and (c) pornography involving individuals who are or appear to be coerced. Despite the public debate, the sale of sex toys continues to increase in the Norwegian market, and women have entered the editorial chairs of several pornographic magazines. This may serve as a legitimization of pornography for the public opinion, in the sense that it undermines the argument that pornography degrades women.

The purpose of this paper is to describe attitudes toward pornography and the use of pornography in various subgroups of the Norwegian population. We also examine the relationship between social background factors, attitudes toward pornography, and use of pornography.

METHODS

The data presented in this study come from a representative sample of the adult Norwegian population. Our study was part of a larger omnibus survey in which the respondents were asked questions about several other topics in addition to the questions on pornography. Data collection was carried out in October 2002 by standardized questionnaires administered via personal telephone interviews. Trained interviewers from the poll organization Markeds- & Media Instituttet A/S (MMI) conducted the survey. Participants included 1,004 persons between 15 and 91 years of age (mean age 43.6 years).