Asexuality: prevalence and associated factors in a national probability sample

Journal of Sex Research, August, 2004 by Anthony F. Bogaert

Asexuality, the state of having no sexual attraction for either sex, has been studied only sparingly. Related issues are sexual aversion disorder and hypoactive sexual desire disorder (HSDD), which have been studied more frequently in recent years (e.g., Beck, 1995; Rosen & Leiblum, 1995). In both sexual aversion disorder and HSDD, there usually is or was a sexual orientation toward partners of either or both genders, but there is either an aversion for genital contact with these partners (e.g., extreme anxiety when a sexual encounter presents itself) or a low sexual desire for these partners. Sexual aversion disorder and HSDD issues often arise within the context of couples--as, for example, when a "discrepancy of sexual desire" is diagnosed. Asexuality, in contrast, can be defined as the absence of a traditional sexual orientation, in which an individual would exhibit little or no sexual attraction to males or females. One such model of asexuality was developed by Storms (1980; see also Berkey, Perelman-Hall, & Kurdek, 1990). Storms classified heterosexuals as individuals who are highly attracted to the other sex (i.e., high in heteroeroticism), homosexuals as individuals who are highly attracted to the same sex (i.e., high in homoeroticism), bisexuals as individuals who are highly attracted to both sexes (i.e., high in both heteroeroticism and homoeroticism), and asexuals as individuals who are not attracted to either sex (i.e., low in both heteroeroticism and homoeroticism). In this study, I undertook the investigation of lifelong asexuality, defined as having no sexual attraction for either sex. Note that the definition of asexuality here concerns a lack of sexual attraction to either sex and not necessarily a lack of sexual behavior with either sex or self-identification as an asexual. Sexual behavior and sexual self-identification are of course correlated with sexual attraction, but, for a variety of reasons, one's attraction to men or women and overt sexual behavior or sexual self-identification may have a less-than-perfect correspondence. It is of note that many sexual orientation researchers have recently emphasized sexual attraction over overt behavior or self-identification in conceptualizing sexual orientation (e.g., Bailey, Dunne, & Martin, 2000; Bogaert, 2003b; Money, 1988; Zucker & Bradley, 1995).

One fundamental question for the present research was the prevalence of asexuality. Is it as prevalent as other atypical sexual orientations such as same-sex attraction or is it extremely rare? Given the paucity of research on the subject, one might expect asexuality, particularly life-long asexuality, to be very unusual. A very low level of asexuality is also predicted from evolutionary models of human behavior because one would expect strong selection pressures against such nonreproductive tendencies. On the other hand, same-sex attraction is also clearly a nonreproductive orientation, and yet its prevalence over time and across societies continues to challenge evolutionary theorists (e.g., Bobrow & Bailey, 2001).

Little is also known about the factors associated with asexuality. Therefore, the present study was an attempt to open up the field and begin to explore factors associated with this relatively uncharted area of sexual variability. Of course, one factor that should be an obvious predictor is sexual behavior itself, particularly with a partner. However, given that sexual attraction and sexual behavior are imperfectly correlated, a complete absence of partnered sexual behavior is not expected for all asexual people. Some level of sexual activity--perhaps as a result of exploration or to please a partner is expected for some asexual people, although sexual activity should be much more infrequent in asexual people relative to sexual people. Thus, relative to sexual people, asexual people should report fewer sexual partners of both sexes, later first sexual experiences if indeed a sexual experience with a partner has occurred, and less frequent sexual activity with a partner.

Aside from sexuality itself, one factor that may be an important predictor is age. First awareness of sexual attraction occurs for many people around the age of 10, often preceding puberty and associated with the development of the adrenal glands and not the gonads (Herdt & McClintock, 2000; McClintock & Herdt, 1996). However, people probably vary in their awareness and experience of first sexual attraction, with a variety of social and psychological factors along with biological aspects contributing to such awareness and experience. For example, sexual attraction to others has been argued to be partly the result of arousal experiences--through, for example, masturbation, fantasy, and sexual activity--directed at or with partners (e.g., Storms, 1981). Sexual attraction has also been argued to be partly the result of exposure to and familiarity with same-sex or oppositesex peers (e.g., Bem, 1996). As a consequence, perhaps some younger individuals--for example, late adolescents or even young adults--may have had few if any relevant social and psychological opportunities to experience or initiate sexual attraction to others. Thus, young people may be more likely to be asexual, although they may be best described as in a "presexual" life stage, which may change as they age.