Exposing the "Pretty Woman" Myth: A Qualitative Examination of the Lives of Female Streetwalking Prostitutes

Journal of Sex Research, Nov, 2000 by Rochelle L. Dalla

A prostitute, by definition, is one who exchanges sex or sexual favors for money, drugs, or other desirable commodities (Overall, 1992). The past decade has witnessed a substantial increase in attention focused on the sex industry, and on women who engage in prostitution specifically. To address the needs of governmental funding sources, recent investigations have often focused on drag-related (e.g., drug or alcohol addictions and abuse) or associated risk-taking (e.g., HIV/AIDS knowledge and condom use) behaviors. Consequently, rich details of the lives of prostituting women are sparse in the available literature. Little is known about these women, as individuals with unique histories and developmental trajectories. Moreover, although diversity between types of prostitution is commonly recognized (i.e., streetwalking, escort services, call-girls, strippers) similarity among women engaged in any particular type (e.g., streetwalking) is often erroneously assumed. Assumptions of homogeneity result in false stereotyping and broad, ill-fitted categorizations (Scambler, 1997). Certainly, recognizing patterns of commonality among prostituted women has significant social and policy implications. Additionally, however, acknowledging the uniqueness that exists among women engaged in similar forms of prostitution (e.g., street-level) has equal utility and application for informing policy and out-reach efforts.

A dichotomy exists in the portrayal of women working the streets. At one extreme are popular images depicted in movies such as Pretty Woman (with Julia Roberts), Leaving Las Vegas (with Elizabeth Shue), and Taxi Driver (with Jodie Foster) of the young, beautiful prostitute who meets a "prince" and is "saved" (the "Pretty Woman" myth). In sharp contrast, at the other extreme exists images of women walking busy thoroughfares late at night, wearing high heels and black fishnet stockings, working for abusive pimps.

Neither of these portrayals, it was assumed, accurately represents the reality of the lives of streetwalking prostitutes or the phenomenon of street-level sex work. The purpose of this investigation therefore, was to examine, in depth, "the game" known as streetwalking prostitution. This study was meant to expand previous work by (a) introducing the reader to the personal, unique developmental experiences of women involved in street-level prostitution; in conjunction with (b) describing broad-based themes common to many women engaged in streetwalking. Previous research informs the present investigation.

Childhood correlates of later prostitution have been well documented. Investigations of women who prostitute themselves on the streets have revealed systematic (and life-long) patterns of abuse, exploitation, and degradation at the hands of men, including fathers, brothers, intimate partners, clients, and pimps (Earls, 1990; Miller, 1993; Nandon, Koverola, & Schludermann, 1998). Estimates of the percentage of female prostitutes who have experienced early sexual abuse vary considerably, from 10% to 50% (Russell, 1988), to 60% (Silbert & Pines, 1983), to 73% (Bagley & Young, 1987). Unclear and open for further debate are the causal paths linking childhood sexual abuse with prostitution. Two models have been proposed. The first suggests that early sexual abuse is directly linked to later prostitution. James and Meyerding (1977) argue, for instance, that childhood sexual abuse results in separation between emotions and sexual activity. They contend that a young girl's self-concept changes as a result of sexual abuse, in that she begins to view herself as debased, thus facilitating her identification with prostitution. Likewise, Miller (1986) argues that early sexual victimization provides training in emotional distancing, which is reenacted during sexual activities with clients, thus allowing one to more easily engage in sexual servicing.

In contrast, Seng (1989) and others (Simons & Whitbeck, 1991) report that the causal link is indirect, mediated largely by run-away behavior. Likewise, in a Canadian study, Nandon et al. (1998) compared prostitution-involved teenagers with sexually abused youth who' were not involved in the sex industry. They found similarity in reports of sexual abuse. However, the youth involved in prostitution were more likely to be or to have been runaways. The researchers contend, "The current findings ... indicate that, when an appropriate comparison group is used, known precursors of prostitution fail [italics added] to discriminate between the prostitution and nonprostitution groups" (Nandon et al., p. 207).

Attempts to definitively understand prostitution entry have been elusive, despite persistent attempts. Potterat, Phillips, Rothenberg, and Darrow (1985) sought to examine two concepts (susceptibility and exposure)in a model examining women's reasons for entering prostitution. The susceptibility model contends that psychological characteristics (e.g., alienation, feelings of worthlessness), in conjunction with traumatic events (e.g., incest), make some women vulnerable to the lure of prostitution. The exposure model predicts that interpersonal contact with, and inducement from, others involved in the sex industry leads to personal involvement. Interviews with prostitution-involved women and a comparable control group were conducted. Few differences were found with regard to running away from home, experiencing physical or sexual abuse, feelings of alienation and worthlessness, mental breakdowns, drug use, or arrest records.