A comparative demographic and sexual profile of older homosexually active men

Journal of Sex Research, Fall, 1997 by Paul Van de Ven, Pamela Rodden, June Crawford, Susan Kippax

Over the past two decades or so, much has been written about the sexual identities and behaviours of homosexually active men. The literature has flourished especially since the advent of HIV/AIDS and the attendant concerns to understand the social, psychological, and behavioural dimensions of gay men's lives. Various cohorts such as young gay men, gay men from language backgrounds other than English, and men who have sex with both men and women have been the focus of numerous and detailed research studies. From a sexual practices viewpoint, one group, however, has been almost entirely neglected. There is no comprehensive account of the social and sexual lives of older homosexually active men, a situation that we sought to redress by comparisons between younger and older homosexually active men. Specifically, we analysed data from an Australian nationwide sample to compare younger and older men's sexual identities, attachments to gay community, sexual relations and practices, HIV testing, and contact with the epidemic. (Throughout this article, we refer to gay community rather than the gay community to reflect a diversity of communities and the fact that gay community is not all of a piece.) We were interested to see if older men differed from younger men, particularly as age differences might signal the importance of cultural norms and social processes in shaping who homosexual men are and what they do.

As other researchers have pointed out (Bennett & Thompson, 1980; Berger, 1980; Berger & Kelly, 1986; Friend, 1987), the stereotype of the older homosexual man has been one of disengagement from homosexual community, loneliness, rejection, depression, and unhappiness. Several empirical studies have contradicted this stereotypical picture. Weinberg and Williams (1974), who explored homosexual adaptations in the United States, the Netherlands, and Denmark, reported that older (over 45 years) homosexual men were higher on some measures of psychological well-being than were younger homosexual men. Their data did not support the image of the older homosexual man as lacking in self acceptance or being anxious, depressed, lonely, and unhappy. However, they found that older homosexual men attended gay venues less often, were more likely to live alone, reported homosexual contacts less frequently, and, in the United States, were lower in overall social involvement in homosexual community than were younger homosexual men.

In a later study involving Australian men, Bennett and Thompson (1980) found no evidence that older (over 45 years) homosexual men disengaged, or were forced to disengage, from the homosocial aspects of gay community. In comparison with their younger counterparts, older homosexual men were as involved in the homosexual world, reported a similar incidence of visiting gay venues, perceived their popularity among other homosexuals to be as high, and were as satisfied with their sexual orientation. Older men were less likely than those who were 26 to 35 years old to share accommodation with lovers and more likely to live alone. Reflecting a possible generational difference, the older men were significantly more concerned than the younger men about the exposure of their homosexuality.

Berger (1980) studied 112 homosexual men between the ages of 41 and 77. Whereas 38% of the men lived alone, the majority either lived with a sexual partner (43%) or with friends or members of their family of birth (19%). Far from being isolated and rejected by younger men, most men had many friends, were sexually active, and sustained close relationships with friends and sexual partners.

Through a comprehensive review of the literature, Berger and Kelly (1986) discredited some popular misconceptions and provided a realistic picture of aspects of the lives of older gay men. They found that few older gay men were loners. In fact, older gay men had more options in relationships than did their heterosexual counterparts and revealed a variety of living arrangements accordingly. Older homosexual men in a relationship were not more likely to play a role along the lines of the active/passive dichotomy assumed to be common in pre-liberation times. Role playing in relationships was highly atypical among younger and older homosexual men alike. As a result of intense social pressures in the past, many older homosexual men had been or currently were married. Continuing sexual interest and activity were the norm for older homosexual men. Moreover, integration into a local homosexual community was associated with psychosocial adaptation for older gay men.

It has been suggested that coming to terms with homosexuality may facilitate adjusting to the aging process in a number of ways (Friend, 1987, 1989; Lee, 1987; McDougall, 1993). Successful management of the process of coming out in a heterosexist world possibly proVides,the individual with coping mechanisms that may generalise to other crises in later life. Gender-role flexibility may allow older homosexual men to develop ways of taking care of themselves that feel comfortable and appropriate. Homosexual men often exchange the family of birth supports that were lost when they came out with a broader surrogate family and community network. Other strengths may include learning to fend for oneself from an early age, increased personal autonomy, and learning to live with a stigmatised identity throughout life. These competencies and reconstructions tend to be associated with healthy psychological adaptation by older gay men (Friend, 1989; McDougall, 1993).