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Philippa Strum, ed. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. American Arabs and Political Participation
Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ), Summer-Fall, 2007 by Gary C. David
Philippa Strum, ed. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. American Arabs and Political Participation. Division of United States Studies, 2006. Paper, no price indicated.
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The book consists of a series of talks given at a conference sponsored by the Division of United States Studies at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on May 5, 2006. The situating of the conference in "United States Studies" is significant since, much like the Arab American community itself, Arab American Studies has been straddling American and Arab Studies. Philippa Strum notes, "Surprisingly little has been written about the participation of American Arabs in this nation's political life" (1). This point is continuously addressed throughout the book by the contributors; most of whom have been engaged directly in Arab American studies. Attempting to fill this gap in our knowledge alone makes the book an important addition to the bourgeoning area of Arab-American Studies. At the same time, the book suffers from common short-comings that can be seen throughout works in Arab-American Studies. Overall, however, the book is a valuable addition for those interested in the Arab American experience.
After the attacks of 11 September many people in Arab American Studies went from "margins to mainstream" (to borrow a phrase from Abraham and Shryock (2000)) in terms of the attention given to Arab American Studies. Upon being asked about Arab American voting, a question arises: "Do you mean Arab Americans voting, or people voting as Arab Americans?"
Typically, interest is in the latter, which follows the interest of ethnic studies in general: namely how do members of an ethnic community act as identifiable members of said community? We tend not to be curious about how people who are of a certain ethnicity do not fit into the general pattern of ethnic activity, except insofar as their "deviance" from ethnic community standards is a topic of investigation. For most, this means that Arab Americans who vote are not nearly as interesting as those who vote as Arab Americans.
Thus, it is not surprising that, as Michael Suleiman writes, "no history of the participation of Arab Americans in politics has been written" (3). If by political participation we mean ethnic activism, then Suleiman's contention is not surprising there is little documented evidence of such in the early communities. However, if by participation we mean "simply" being involved in the entire process of politics, then Suleiman's contention is surprising since persons of Arab ancestry, who have been in the US for well over a century, have taken part in voting during this time. In fact, the book is replete with examples of this early participation. It of course is not the first to do so. Aruri (1969:62-3) for instance, found that 70% of the Arab-Americans surveyed in Springfield, Massachusetts were attached to a political party. The question then becomes whether this type of participation is worthy of study, and if not, why not?
The other challenge of studying Arab American political participation is, "how do we define Arab American?" The problem of definition has plagued Arab American Studies since its inception, and it shows no evidence of being solved anytime soon. Any study of Arab Americans needs to address the methodological issues of: 1) Who are we counting; 2) How are we counting them; and 3) How representative is this of all Americans of Arab ancestry? While these issues are not germane only to Arab American Studies, they take on particular urgency given the seemingly vast internal differentiation of the community along lines of immigration cohort, nation of origin, religion, education, gender, social class, urban/rural distinction, and age. Thus, it can be difficult to speak in any generality of the Arab American community. At the same time, there is a desire to avoid "Balkanizing" Arab American Studies into discrete parts. So, we are engaged in continuous movement along the specific-general continuum, often within the same study.
Given these challenges, the book provides very useful information and analysis. Very often, books that are edited collections lack internal consistency and coherence. While this book in some ways faces these same limitations, its contents provide a starting point from which more discussions around key issues can be developed. For instance, there is evidence of early political participation that challenges the accepted narrative of either willing marginalization or Americanization that leads to no political involvement. Also, the summaries of contemporary Arab Americans holding elected office in the US House and Senate are important demonstrations of civic participation and contribution.
There are important calls for greater comparisons of the Arab American experience with that of other ethnic groups. The general tendency in Arab American Studies has been to focus on the unique aspects of the community. At the same time, the Arab-American experience is embedded in a larger context of ethnic experiences in US history. More needs to be done to posit Arab American history in this larger context, not only borrowing from other ethnic community-based studies but sharing the theoretical perspectives we have developed. Gary Gerstle's chapter on the political incorporation of immigrant groups is a starting point in this direction. Arab-American Studies needs to examine what can be learned from other periods of ethnic recrimination and discrimination that can be applied to what we see today. Finally, there is an important contribution made by Jen'nan Ghazal Read in the area of Arab American political participation and the impacts of gender. While the study is limited in terms of being focused on Arab Muslims, it is an important starting point for a larger discussion and ample research area that is waiting to be explored in greater detail.
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