Religious Minorities in Iran - Review

Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ), Summer, 2001 by Farideh Farhi

These basic points create the framework for a very fascinating discussion about the founding moment of the Islamic republic. Relying on the published proceedings of the meeting of the Assembly of Experts in the summer and fall of 1979, Sanasarian dissects in detail the way the question of recognized religious minorities, or "people of the book" (p. 19), were discussed before their rights and responsibilities were incorporated in the Islamic republic's constitution. She shows the crucial role the four minority deputies (out of 73 deputies elected to the Assembly of Experts), representing the Assyrian/Chaldean, Armenian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian communities in securing some rights for their respective constituencies. She also shows the importance of the sympathy these deputies garnered from the chair (Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, currently under house arrest) and vice-chair (Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti, later assassinated) of the constitutional meeting in agitating for their inclusion and in helping to redu ce the repetitive references to Islam in the language of the constitution. Although they did not always speak in one voice "no opportunity was missed," Sanasarian insists, "to expand and stretch the concept of 'right' and by asking 'How about us?' their impact in proportion to their numbers was remarkable" (p. 71). This of course does not mean that they managed to get what they wanted. The constitution still identifies them as "minorities" as opposed to the preferred "communities," reserves many high ranking official positions for Muslims, and is of course replete with rather nebulous references to the necessity of all citizens adhering to Islamic conduct and principles in public. Nevertheless these constitutional discussions and the subsequent product, Sanasarian points out, grant the theocratic state the claim that at its founding moment it offered recognized religious minorities continuity and the same rights as they had before in terms of political representation and freedom of religion, language, and cul ture. Even the exclusion of Bahais could be justified as in keeping with past practice. But as aptly pointed out be Sanasarian, despite constitutional continuity many of the problems associated with the Islamic state's treatment of the officially defined and accepted minorities come to full view at the level of policy and policy implementation.

Some areas such as the sphere of religious practice and issues involving personal practice (i.e., marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance) have generally been left under the supervision of the religious leadership for each community. On the other hand, in some other areas such as the discriminatory penal code that blatantly treats Muslims and non-Muslims (as well as men and women) differently, the religious minorities have had very little room to maneuver. The revival of Apostasy Law has also had devastating consequences for some religious minorities, particularly the Bahais and Iranian Christian converts.