Portraits of Palestinian Women

Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ), Wntr, 1996 by Lina Beydoun

Portraits of Palestinian Women reflects on the conflicts and tensions within Palestinian society, mainly due to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. Contrary to popular belief in the West, it is neither religion nor ethnicity that creates these conflicts; rather it is an issue of land and/or property confiscation. In addition, the book attempts to counter the stereotypes that originate in the West about Arab, Muslim, or Middle Eastern women, and their culture in general.

The interviews with twenty-one Palestinian women depict a certain confusion of roles arising from the chaotic situation of life under occupation. In a society continuously threatened by military oppression, women struggling to enhance their status in society confront other forms of social oppression inside their family circles, due to their under-privileged socio-economic background, or because of Palestinian fundamentalist groups that tend to perpetuate traditional roles by emphasizing the veil and confining women's place to the home. Basically, Palestinian women face two frustrating battles, an exposed one against the occupation which is permissible by the entire society, and a more "serene" battle in which they struggle to be noticed and recognized as women who have an effective role in the functioning of society.

Through interviews with women of various generations and backgrounds, Najjar inquires into whether or not social change regarding the status of women in Palestinian society may have occurred. Further, if changes in the way women are viewed did occur, she explores the problem of how to make them structural in order to render them permanent.

In general, political conditions in the country may have been advantageous to the position of women. Ironically, the occupation may not have exacerbated the condition of women. Rather, it may have been a driving force for many women to become actively involved in political and nationalistic issues, while at the same time enabling them to create a "stage" from which they could demand their rights. More recently, the uprising (Intifada) allowed Palestinian women to be more active than ever before.

The book also gives insight into why certain traditions, like early or arranged marriages, may have persisted in the society. There are economic reasons for forcing women to marry early, since they are not viewed as the breadwinners of the household and are not expected to have an income. This may justify why men are taken better care of from childhood, and are even fed better than women. In addition, arranged marriages allow inheritance to be kept under family control rather than being dissipated.

Rosemary Sayigh identifies factors responsible for social change in the position of Palestinian women. She states that "class, sect, and region appear to be critical factors including family attitudes towards its female members, with middle-class Christians of the coastal cities among the first to adopt liberal practices, and with conservatism appearing most resistant in the rural hinterland, provincial towns, and among lower middle social strata" (p. 19).

Although the women interviewed are of different socio-economic classes, localities, and background, they share in common their Palestinian identity and their ability to cope with the continuous interruptions in their lives or careers owing to the Israeli occupation. Most of them are strong, persistent women, and some have succeeded in blending their roles as child-rearers with their roles as economic providers for their families. However, these women may not be a representative sample of all Palestinian women. It is clear that most of the former had the opportunity or incentive to change their traditional roles. Whether being a lawyer, professor, teacher, journalist, artist, or a leader of a women's organization, they certainly have taken steps to enhance their status in society. Indeed, Zahira Kamal, a leader of a women's organization, believes that although Palestinian society is not rigid and responds to changes brought about by the education of women, the main problem is to extend those advantages to all women in all social strata (p. 141). By itself, the refugee population plays a significant role in Palestinian society, and the two refugee women interviewed in the book explain the severe difficulties they encounter living in a camp. Najah Manasrah was the first from her refugee camp of 12,000 to attend university; she later became a researcher.

Unfortunately, although the portrayals suggest that Palestinian women suffer from many of the same problems, solidarity is not always apparent. Although Fadwa Hussein and Tahani Ali, for instance, come from the same rural background, Fadwa thinks that her struggle to earn an education was not because of the occupation but because of the social norms. On the other hand, Tahani complains that her aim to earn a university degree was interrupted by the continuous shutting down of the university by military officers.