Sexually Related Content on Television and Adolescents of Color: Media Theory, Physiological Development, and Psychological Impact*

Journal of Negro Education, The, Fall 2003 by Gruber, Enid, Thau, Helaine

This review examines differential impact of sexual content in the television media on adolescents of color. Drawing from available evidence in media use theory and content analyses, physiological development, and psychological impact, we argue that adolescents of color may be more vulnerable to sexual media messages and the presumed negative consequences for their sexual beliefs, attitudes, and engagement in sexual behaviors. The developmental tasks of the adolescent period may place adolescents of color at increased risk due to earlier pubertal development, greater desire for acquiring sexual and health information, and the need to identify role models to support identity development.

Despite rapid technological changes and new entertainment media products available in the marketplace-despite the pervasiveness of computers, handheld devices, the Internet, CD and DVD players, MP3 devices, and the like-American adolescents still spend more time in front of televisions than in using any other form of entertainment media (Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation/Children Now, 1999). Between the ages of 8 and 18, American children are exposed on average to almost 8 hours of media each day, more than 40% through television. Among parents, educators, physicians, and public health personnel, there is a concomitant concern with the nature of the content available on television, especially sexually related content. Researchers have documented the increased prevalence of sexual communication and more explicit visual portrayals of sexual behavior in televised media (Kunkel et al., 1999). This more sexualized television fare has gained attention at a time when rates of adolescent pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections remain unacceptably high (Center for Disease Control [CDC], 1995, 1998; Fleming, 1996; Ozer, Brindis, Millstein, Knopf, & Irwin, 1998). Consequently, it seems natural to question whether the values and behaviors presented in public entertainment media are having an unhealthy impact on the children and adolescents who consume them in such large quantities.

The evidence also suggests that African American and Hispanic youth have higher rates of daily media exposure than Whites do, as well as higher percentages of youth who consume in excess of seven hours of media each day (Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation/ Children Now, 1999). On average, these youth spend over an hour a day more than White adolescents watching television. Although sexual content in the television media has the potential to affect any age group, adolescents may be a particularly vulnerable population because adolescence is a critical developmental period when gender roles, sexual attitudes, and sexual behaviors are being shaped (Committee on Communications, 1995). If adolescents of color are more likely to be exposed to sexually related television content due to higher rates of media use, then it seems reasonable to question whether they would be more vulnerable to the potentially negative consequences of that exposure.

This review will attempt to examine the question of differential impact of sexual content in the television media on adolescents of color. Drawing from available evidence in media use theory and content analyses, physiological development, and psychological impact, we will attempt to argue that adolescents of color may be more vulnerable to sexual media messages and the presumed negative consequences for their sexual beliefs, attitudes, and engagement in sexual behaviors.

Prevalence of Sexual Content in Television

Analyses of the content of broadcast television programming indicate that, on average, adolescent viewers see more than 140 incidents of sexual behavior on prime-time network television each week (Louis Harris & Associates, 1988), with portrayals of 3 to 4 times as many sexual activities occurring between unmarried partners as between spouses (Greenberg et al., 1993). In addition, as much as 80% of all movies shown on network or cable television stations have sexual content (Kunkel et al., 1999). While adolescents may be exposed to sexual content on television through the depiction of sexual behavior, provocative clothing or gestures, disrobing or degrees of nudity, it is much more likely that they will hear talk about sex than see visual depictions of it. An analysis of a composite week of broadcast programming in 1999 indicated that of the 56% of programs that contained some form of sexual content, more than half included a verbal exchange about sex (i.e., comments about a character's own or other's sexual interests; talk about intercourse that has occurred; flirting or sexual overtures; sexual innuendo; sexual advice) as compared to only 23% that actually presented instances of sexually related behavior (Kunkel et al., 1999).

The same can be said for music videos, a staple of the adolescent media diet: roughly 6 out of 10 videos portray sexual feelings and impulses through lyrics, and a substantial minority display provocative clothing and sexually suggestive body movements (Baxter, DeRiemer, Landini, Leslie, & Singletary, 1985). Other research documents types of sexual dress and behaviors depicted in music videos, including sexual dancing, scant clothing, heavy cleavage, fondling, sex talk, and simulations of oral sex, masturbation, and intercourse (Jones, 1997). These findings indicate that sexually suggestive features are present throughout the music field, even in Country and Western music videos, although fondling, sex talk, and simulated sexual activity were most common in the Hip-Hop and Rap categories, which are more likely to appeal to minority adolescents.