"Canadian castles"? The question of national styles in architecture revisited

Journal of Canadian Studies, Spring 1997 by Thomas, Christopher

In the historiography of Canadian architecture there is a tradition of associating neo-medievalism with the essence or "soul" of Canada. By closely examining writing of approximately 1945-80 on two styles, the High Victorian Gothic and the Chateau Style, the article seeks to show that the styles' alleged nationalism was a form of critical retrojection and that, in fact, the use of these styles in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century Canada contributed to the construction of Canadian national identity according, first, to British and, then, to American desire.

The recent spate of breakups, reunions and rearrangements of "modern" nations has stirred much popular and scholarly interest in the deeply mythical, constructed character of nationality(f.1) -- an interest in which Canadians have pressing reason to share. This article concerns the architectural face of one myth about Canada: the "Britishism" -- to quote Arthur Lower -- of English Canada in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries.(f.2) The aspect of the myth I treat here is the long-standing tendency to interpret fortified or medievalizing modes of design, specifically the High Victorian Gothic and the so-called Chateau Style, as more deeply fused than others to the national character, self or "soul" of Canada. I will explore the nature of such readings -- which, to my mind, reached their peak in the 1960s and 1970s -- the context in which they were offered, and the issue of their truth or falsity, to the degree these can be determined. Close study of the question of national styles discloses uncertainty and contradictions which, in my view, are not far from the heart of Canada's present identity crisis. From the end of World War II to the 1970s, a setpiece of historical and critical writing on Canadian architecture was the idea that certain styles could be identified, more than others, with the Canadian nation. This was, in fact, a fresh rendition of an older argument, for, Kelly Crossman shows,(f.3) from the 1890s onward Canadian architects had been intent on unveiling or devising national styles of architecture that were deemed organically Canadian. Echoing Benedetto Croce and British arts and crafts theorists, Percy Erskine Nobbs of McGill University, Canada's most influential architectural teacher and critic of the period 1900-14 -- a formative one in Canadian architecture -- had preached the doctrine of architecture as a quasi-linguistic expression of ethnic and national character, of the collective national self. So, for several decades leading up to World War II -- with, however, a hiatus opened in the 1930s by the universalism of the modern Movement -- architects and critics, like many of their artist-colleagues, had viewed the articulation of nationality as a crucial task for Canadian architecture. The argument, however, intensified after the war. The nationalist mood of the 1950s and 1960s and the fact that, for the first time, a respectable amount was being written about Canadian architecture and its history stirred much talk of distinctively Canadian design.(f.4) The discourse of nationalism, insofar as it concerned history, revolved around two styles or modes in particular: the so-called High Victorian Gothic and the Franco-Scots "Chateau Style," characteristic of Canadian railway hotels and public (especially federal) buildings of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. I will treat each style in turn. High Victorian Gothic" is the name given to a colourful and even rather brutal strain of revived Gothic that Victorian architects had employed for churches and educational buildings and, increasingly from the 1850s on, for commercial, civic and governmental design as well. In the first half of the twentieth century few critics had had much good to say for the style -- or for any other Victorian gewgaws, for that matter.(f.5) But after World War II -- almost exactly a century after the High Victorian style had crystallized -- it experienced a rebirth of critical attention and even favour in Britain and North America. Perhaps because so little of it in Britain had survived the Luftwaffe's visits, such generally formalist scholars as Sir Nikolaus Pevsner, Sir John Summerson, Carroll Meeks and Henry-Russell Hitchcock began to see something good, or at least picturesque and vigorous, in Victorian architecture.(f.6) It took time, but by the late 1960s and 1970s faint praise for Victorian Gothic, and Victorian culture generally, had turned to glory, laud and honour.(f.7) For Canada, the Victorian period was crucial. During it, the modern nation was coaxed into being, and the later decades of the Queen's reign were decisive in establishing Canada's official and semi-official culture, Canadian governments being ever-interventionist in matters of religion, education and public order. A wealth of High Victorian architecture quite out of proportion to Canada's size, much of it of a high order, was built in the newly confederated Dominion. The parliamentary complex built to the designs of Fuller and Jones and Stent and Laver in Ottawa in 1859-66 (not for the Dominion but for the Province of Canada, today's Quebec and Ontario, and transferred to the Dominion in 1867) was a path-breaking exercise in High Victorian Gothic, which fused a patriotically English and fashionable style to an American building-type (FIGURE 1).(f.8) University College, Toronto, while slightly earlier than the Parliament house and Norman Romanesque rather than Gothic in style, was eclectic and medievalizing in the High Victorian way and probably served Fuller and Jones as one model for the design for Parliament (FIGURE 2).(f.9) We should therefore expect the Anglo-American re-evaluation of Victoriana after World War II to have struck a responsive chord in Canada, and that is exactly what happened, particularly since Canadian culture in the 1950s had running through it a strong current of anglophilia.(f.10) Soon after the reappraisal of Victorian design began in Britain and the United States, it spread to Canada, where scholars began to attend to our own, previously neglected Victorian remains, an alarming number of which were falling to the wrecking ball. These scholars waved the Red Ensign over the blackened and not uniformly appealing Victorian Gothic remains, heralding them as archetypally "national." In 1954, in Architectural Review (an English professional journal long associated with the appreciation of Victoriana) R.H. Hubbard, then curator of Canadian art at the National Gallery of Canada, published an article alleging "Canadian Gothic" to be the country's "first national expression in architecture," on a par with the Classic Revival in the United States, and "the architecture of growing nationhood."(f.11) Four years later, in his introductory survey Looking at Architecture in Canada, Alan Gowans called "Picturesque Eclecticism" -- a coinage of Carroll Meeks's -- "Canada's first national style" because it had been used in the Parliament Buildings.(f.12) This was a mild statement of what would become for Gowans a recurrent theme. More vehemently nationalistic than the 1950s -- at least, the 1950s before the arrival of John Diefenbaker on the scene -- were the mid- to late 1960s, when relative economic prosperity, the centennial in 1967 of Confederation, and a growing anti-Americanism fuelled by the increasing unpopularity of the war in Vietnam combined to usher in the most forceful wave of English-Canadian nationalism in history.(f.13) In the full flush of the Centennial, Gowans published a more forthright formulation of his theme in an essay called "The Canadian National Style," which appeared in an appropriately nationalistic anthology edited by W.L. Morton and published with the aid of the Canada Council.(f.14) Here he declared that University College and Parliament "would rank among the most important buildings of their decade anywhere in the world," but that "for Canada they have the special significance of representing a National Style." This gave rise to "a body of architecture which ... is perhaps the greatest single witness to the character of the new nation created in 1867." The higher key in which Gowans wrote during the Centennial period reflected, besides nationalism, the burgeoning of Canadian publishing in the decade since his first modest work had appeared. The capstone to the edifice of representing the Victorian Gothic in national terms was a statement by that arch-anglophile Canadian nationalist, Vincent Massey, in the foreword to a book on the Parliament Buildings produced by the National Film Board in the Centennial year. Of the original Centre Block he said: "I hope it is not too fanciful to suggest that the style is essentially Canadian, not only because it is different from the legislative buildings in the United States ... but because it fits perfectly into its northern setting."(f.15) Here we meet not only the rather negative idea that something is Canadian, in part anyway, by virtue of its not being American (Massey was a vigourous anti-American) but also a second idea with a long and -- in retrospect -- sinister art-historical pedigree, which associated the Gothic with northern "races," especially Germans and Normans, and antique and Renaissance classicism with Mediterranean peoples. To be sure, the formulation is not without basis, for the Gothic did first emerge in the Ile de France, with some of its roots in Normandy, and flourish in northern Europe; but it is a highly tendentious and exclusionary proposition, one further sullied by being dragged into blood-and-soil politics.(f.16) Still, the idea played an important role in early readings of the Gothic as in essential harmony with what it was to be Canadian. In 1907, for example, Canadian romantic poet Wilfred Campbell wrote, concerning the Parliament Buildings: every tower and arch, every buttress and carving, every groin and bastion, every window and doorway is an evidence of the spirit and ideal of our Celtic, Saxon and Norman forefathers. In these buildings we have as a people, both French and British ... epics in stone, revealing to us not only universal beauty and inspiration but emblematic of our common ideal, our common artistic sense, our common ancestry, and our common Christianity.(f.17) Eighty years old in 1967, Massey was a romantic nationalist whose formative years had been drenched in what is today recognized as "ethnocentric" criticism of the sort reflected in Campbell's panegyrics. In the Centennial year many, perhaps most, "native" English Canadians shared his view. Buoyant Canadian nationalism continued for at least a decade after the Centennial, fuelled by federal money and cultural policy and aided as well, perhaps, by the counter-example of Americans convulsing themselves over Watergate and the snail-slow withdrawal from Vietnam. Accordingly, statements echoing Gowan's, associating national character with Canada's High Victorian Gothic architecture, proliferated in the 1970s. In addition, the ecological concerns from early in the decade shaded into the heritage-preservation movement of the later years, and the spectacle of Victorian buildings and streetscapes being mowed down by "progress" galvanized sentiment to preserve the few that remained.(f.18) Often it was young scholars recently appointed to teaching posts in architectural history in the art-history departments and architecture schools of Canadian universities who testified, with expert authority, to the quality of Canada's Victorian buildings. Among these, Douglas Richardson of the University of Toronto was, and is, especially associated with the theme of High Victorianism. In an issue of Canadian Collector in 1975 based on the proceedings of a symposium on Victorian Canada, Richardson emphasized the distinctively local and at the same time national character of much architecture of the period, particularly the original parliament buildings in Ottawa, whose spectacular site and energetic massing and detail had made them "an effective symbol ... for the new Canadian nation."(f.19) As a Master of Arts student working under his supervision, I myself wrote a thesis on a distinctive group of post-office and custom-house buildings that the federal Department of Public Works erected in the 1880s and 1890s (FIGURE 3). These were, for the most part, designed by Thomas Fuller, who had earlier designed Parliament itself.(f.20) Visually striking, the buildings posed a significant "preservation problem" in the mid-1970s, when the federal government was vacating them and a number were demolished. Influenced by fashionable attention to associational theories of architecture -- connected, in turn, to the interest of the time in semiotics -- I hypothesized that in designing these buildings, Fuller had confected for the Canadian government, especially under Macdonald, a "Dominion image" representing the newly confederated nation to its widely scattered citizens. The federal government reinforced the trend towards nationalist interpretation of architecture by creating in 1970 the Canadian Inventory of Historic Buildings (CIHB) within the federal parks service, with a mandate to document by advanced computing techniques all surviving structures in the country built before 1914. CIHB's ground-breaking inventory generated a series of studies of architectural styles which, as could be expected of works published at federal expense in the period of Trudeau nationalism, tended to highlight connections between Canada's buildings and its national life.(f.21) The introduction to the volume Gothic Revival Architecture in Canada -- written by a young Quebecoise, Mathilde Brosseau -- pointed out that, thanks to historic timing, the Gothic Revival was recognized early "as a symbol of an emerging Canadian nation" and fully manifested in its adoption for the Houses of Parliament in Ottawa.(f.22) About the same time, around and after the national Centennial, another stream of appreciative stylistic criticism joined that of the Victorian Gothic. This concerned the so-called Chateau Style, familiar to Canadians in the design, especially, of resort-hotels and federal buildings (FIGURES 4-6). In the Centennial year, Abraham Rogatnick published an article called "Canadian Castles" -- from which I borrow the title of this one -- praising the railway hotels for their comfort and romantic imagery and pointing to the essential, even primal role they have played in Canadian lives and cities.(f.23) His focus was less on the nationalism of the castellated imagery than on the nostalgia Canadians felt for it: "Every crocket, every gargoyle, every dormer became a mark of that gentler, more refined tradition either remembered from childhood or from imagination." A year later, architectural historian Harold Kalman followed with a compact but definitive study called The Railway Hotels and the Development of the Chateau Style in Canada, which appeared in a series edited by Alan Gowans and, as was the way in art-historical writing of the period, devised an internal history for the style.(f.24) Kalman postulated the existence of a coherent Chateau Style, which he appears to have named, and traced its history from primitive roots in the first small mountain dining-stations built by the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) in the West when the East-West line opened in 1886; to a stage of early maturity embodied in Bruce Price's first, riverfront wings for the Chateau Frontenac in Quebec City in the early 1890s (FIGURE 4); to full, florid maturity after 1900 in urban hotels, with their proliferating Romantic ornament but decreasing physical vigour (FIGURE 5); to an Indian-summer phase after World War I, when the style became the federal government's more-or-less official mode for new departmental buildings, such as the 1927-31 Confederation Building in Ottawa (FIGURE 6); to a final phase of feeble senescence in Ottawa after the Second World War, when all that remained of the once-vital style was copper chateau roofs plopped atop otherwise sleek, modernist office blocks. Concluded Kalman, "In the half century it flourished, the chateau style left a deep impact upon Canadian architecture and provided a uniquely Canadian contribution to general architectural history."(f.25) It should be stressed that the evaluative or normative accounts of architectural history summarized and characterized here were rooted in rigorous study of the buildings themselves and of documents concerning them. Nevertheless, how they interpreted the data was clearly of its own day, conditioned by the political and cultural temper of Canada in the 1960s and 1970s. Parallels to such interpretations could readily be identified in works of the burgeoning "Canlit" movement of the time.(f.26) At least two things should be noted about the studies associating medievalizing (or, to be precise, in the case of the Chateau Style, early-French Renaissance) architectural styles with Canada. One is that the Canada they assume is the Dominion formed at Confederation in 1867, not Canada in its other or earlier incarnations: the "Canadas," say, of French commercial and royal policy before 1759, or of the Quebec Act of 1774, the Constitutional Act of 1791, or the Act of Union of 50 years later -- not to mention the Northwest of the Hudson's Bay Company, colonial British Columbia, or the northern half of North America as Aboriginal peoples may have mentally framed it. As in the nationalist historiography of Canada dominant in the twentieth century, it is implied that these other "Canadas" were mere waystations on the road to Canada's true destiny to be a modern, united, transcontinental nation formed of "two founding races."(f.27) That assumption and the way it was celebrated in the decades after World War II explain why the writers of Canadian architectural history emphasized, first, a chauvinistically British style -- though one with roots grafted from France and fertilizer from elsewhere in Europe -- the High Victorian Gothic; and, next, a Franco-Scots mode, the "Chateau Style." Conversely, other traditional modes of design and construction, such as the building-arts of Quebec and the colonial Anglo-American Georgian of Ontario and the Maritime provinces, though not ignored during the period under study, failed to be canonized as "national." This omission is worth noting, because scholars of earlier generations still affected by arts and crafts ideals, from Nobbs to Eric Arthur, had indeed heralded just these as the most prototypically Canadian modes.(f.28) Yet, to writers from the 1950s through to the 1970s, Canada fully "emerged" or realized its national self only in 1867, and it was this emergence that the Centennial and its attendant patriotism -- amply stoked by federal dollars -- were intent on celebrating. The situation was, of course, rather different in Quebec, but that is another story. The second thing to note in the nationalizing historiography of architecture is how it sidestepped or rearranged inconvenient historical facts to accommodate them to the Procrustean bed of "national styles." Apart from the self-conscious Britishness of High Victorian Gothic -- on which its appeal to English Canadians of the 1850s and 1860s had largely rested, but which might have been expected to disconcert Canadian nationalists who, a century later, had just replaced the Union Jack with the maple leaf in their flag -- there were other embarrassments. For one, as I already observed, the Parliament Buildings at Ottawa, prototype of the "Canadian national style," had been designed in 1859 not for the "true," confederated Canada but for the two "old" Canadas, Quebec and Ontario, eight years before Confederation, and by 1867 had been occupied for two years.(f.29) Yet, given the importance of the Parliament Buildings to the nationalizing argument, subtle sleight-of-hand was required to smooth this rumple; and, to harmonize the dates, some of us chose to emphasize the fact that the Centre Block was officially opened in 1867, the year of Confederation. Richardson implies that, though built slightly earlier, the Parliamentary complex simply became "an effective symbol ... for the new Canadian nation."(f.30) But statements of the kind harboured hints of prescience or teleology and assigned Fuller and Jones and Stent and Laver unlikely roles as architectural prophets. There are other, related "slides" or slippages in the nationalizing historiography of Victorian architecture. For example, to have the theme of my own master's thesis cohere, I found it useful to force a wide variety of Thomas Fuller's work done while he was chief architect a quarter-century after he designed Parliament, including the large Langevin Block in Ottawa, across Wellington Street from Parliament Hill, into the "Dominion image" I had postulated for Parliament itself and Fuller's small federal buildings.(f.31) Now, without doubt, the Langevin Block is a well-planned, solidly built, strongly mural administrative building of modestly neo-Romanesque character (FIGURE 7) but echoes in its design of the Gothic of the Houses of Parliament across the street are quite faint. Not surprisingly, such claims for an association between Canadian nationality and Victorian Gothic architecture are made more circumspectly today, but they are still made. In his A History of Architecture in Canada (1994), Kalman reiterates the idea that, "although other forms of expression for public buildings were used ... Canadians have shown an inherent attraction to a historically allusive 'northern' architecture of steep roofs and vertical proportions."(f.32) A related uneasiness hangs about the thesis of the "Chateau Style." That Kalman had to devise a name and history for the mode suggests in itself a certain tentativeness to the structure. Do all the buildings the "style" subsumes really seem to belong to one visual family? Yes and no. For instance, to my end-of-twentieth-century eyes -- the subjectivity of my argument must be stressed -- Brace Price's early Banff Springs Hotel, despite its corner turrets, gabled dormers and high chimneys, largely fails to evoke a French or Scottish castle (FIGURE 8). Indeed, when the hotel opened in 1888, patrons seem to have been at something of a loss to identify its stylistic pedigree. One assigned it to "the Schloss style of the Rhenish provinces"; another called it "half way between a Tudor Hall and a Swiss Chalet ... a Tudor Chalet in wood."(f.33) A modern scholar is inclined to say that the hotel resembled nothing quite so much as an enlarged version of one of the resort or suburban houses in New England and New York for which Price was known when he came to the attention of the CPR'S artistic, American general manager, William Van Home.(f.34) Reading retrospectively is tricky and possibly unfair, however, because in studying nineteenth-century historicizing architecture, one must always allow for the operation of the associational habit of mind. People of that day, including Price and his audience -- Van Home, the rest of the CPR'S management and their patrons -- believed buildings derived their meaning and force from the artistic, literary or emotional associations they raised in the viewer's sensibility. If we cannot know for sure what Price and his patrons had in mind in designing the first Banff Springs Hotel in this hybrid mode, we are surely entitled to wonder whether, in going on to design the first wings of the Chateau Frontenac in Quebec City in the early 1890s (FIGURE 4) -- a chateau in style, so to speak, as well as in name -- he was conscious of employing a more evolved and archaeologically accurate form of the style he had used at Banff. Frankly, it seems unlikely. The main goal in both designs, surely, was to build comfortable, up-to-date, picturesque resort-hotels at scenic and -- in the case of Quebec -- historic locations, to attract the business of well-heeled tourists from the United States, Britain and eastern Canada to a line whose financial security was in some doubt. These were "grand hotels" in the Victorian mould, in which picturesqueness of effect was highly valued, but the degree to which Price or his patrons had in mind a specific, consistent historical image is hard to know. Even if they did have such an image in mind -- as is more the case of the Chateau Frontenac -- did motivation for its use extend beyond promoting the railway to promoting the country? Again, it is unlikely. In a recent article, Rhodri Windsor Liscombe traces the chateau fashion in Canadian hotels to a "chateau-Scottish Baronial revival" in the design of residences for the Scottish gentry in the 1850s which, via British hotel-design of the 1860s, became absorbed into the aristocratic Anglo-American fad for French-style residences and grand hotels in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.(f.35) What we might, in a fairly hard-nosed, fin-de-siecle spirit, conclude from all this is that a fashion for medievalizing imagery was fairly generic and widespread in the period, and by no means confined to Canada.(f.36) It is true, as R.H. Hubbard and Dennis Reid have shown, that Canadian "official" culture of the 1870s to 1890s, especially at the vice-regal (governor-general's) level, was marked by a search for memorable, distinctive symbols of the confederated Canada;(f.37) but chateau imagery was not a very distinctive or consistent type. Moreover, the chateau symbolism was ambiguous and compromised, making it hard to "read" the style -- to the degree it was one -- as a sign of national identity. Some of its resonances might positively disturb modern Canadian nationalists, and Liscombe suggests that "cultural imperialism" may be a more accurate term for its use than "cultural nationalism."(f.38) To begin with, whatever its Scottish component -- in some designs, considerable(f.39) -- the chateau mode was very French, not French-Canadian; and it seems clear that, at the time and until well into our century, it was emblematic, when used in Quebec, of the Frenchness of that province, not of the character of Canada as a whole. There, it was a regional style, but one imposed from outside. The choice made by Price and Van Home in the 1890s, to refer -- in their hotel on the cliff in Quebec City -- to a French Renaissance chateau, was inspired, we know, by an earlier project to rebuild the city's walls and gates, one proposed during the 1870s by Lord Dufferin, the governor-general of Canada, romantically to evoke French medieval fortifications -- despite their inappropriateness to Quebec's history (FIGURE 9).(f.40) That project, offered in the spirit of the French medieval revivalist Eugene Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, represented the first known modern use of chateau imagery in Canada. The drive to dress up Quebec City in turrets and copper candlesnuffer roofs suited the popular view of Quebec province, purveyed in particular by American historian Francis Parkman, as an island of romantic, pre-modern -- and tragically doomed -- humanism and traditionalism in the sea of mad progress into which North America was thought to be falling in the late-nineteenth century.(f.41) This caricature -- patronizing on one hand, envious on the other -- lived a long life, and until the Quiet Revolution the slogan with which "la belle province" drew tourists was "La Belle Hospitalite Spoken Here." It was this charming, toothless version of Quebec that Dufferin cherished, as surely as did Van Home and the Anglo-Scots business elite of Montreal.(f.42) As late as 1924, Nobbs explained to a prestigious gathering of British architects his understanding of the choice of style for the Chateau Frontenac in similar terms: In the 'nineties the Canadian Pacific Railway built two hotels, in Quebec and Montreal, and labelled the former the "Chateau Frontenac." Mr. Brace Price, of Boston [sic], was the architect, and they were made French out of compliment to the Province, and Old French for the delectation of American tourists....(f.43) The association of the Chateau Style with Canada as a whole, then, not just with Quebec, is relatively recent. The rapid modernization of the province towards the middle of this century and the Revolution tranquille of the 1960s made Quebec seem no longer quaint and gelded, but a threat to Canada's solidarity, requiring signs of its life to be subsumed into those of the larger Canadian nation. Claims of the Canadianness of the chateau symbolism are further undermined by the fact that it is patently indebted to American fashions. A cultural cornerstone of English-Canadian nationalism after Confederation was resistance to American influence, which was already felt to be too great, and loyalty to the British Empire, not as a form of colonialism but as a counterweight to looming Uncle Sam.(f.44) Kelly Crossman shows what a pressing concern this represented for those many Canadian architects between 1880 and 1910 who viewed architecture as native cultural expression, and who in addition were fighting to protect the home-market in design and construction from domination by the larger, better organized American profession.(f.45) The architects were not entirely successful, especially -- ironically enough -- in Montreal, which as a city with French roots ought, one would suppose, to be the least American of Canadian cities, but which as Canada's financial and transportation metropolis, with close ties to the American Northeast, had (and in my view, still has) the most American look and feel of any city in the country. (John Bland, of McGill, once gave a talk called "Overnight Trains to Boston and New York Made Montreal 'American!"'(f.46)) Indeed, for a time in the late-nineteenth century, American designers, led by Frederick Law Olmsted and including McKim, Mead and White, Shepley, Rutan and Coolidge, Richard Waite and especially Price, had a lock on the premier design commissions in (or administered from) the city. Price spent so much time in Montreal that a gentlemen's club there made him an honorary "Permanent Visitor."(f.47) Even native Montreal architects, such as Edward and W.S. Maxwell and -- until well into this century -- Ernest Cormier, recognized that the taste of Montreal's elite ran to the Franco-American Beaux-Arts ethos, which tended to meet more resistance elsewhere in English Canada.(f.48) This fact has implications for the "Canadian" Chateau Style since, from their offices in Montreal and London, the directors and bankers of the CPR -- particularly Van Home, who played an active personal role -- determined the character of the railway's buildings across Canada. Thus, to oversimplify only slightly, the style was a trademark confected in Montreal by the line's American general manager and his New York architect. Price, naturally, was working from mainly American sources. His first building for the CPR, Montreal's Windsor Station (FIGURE 10), was a slightly fussy, undecided version of H.H. Richardson's late, large public and commercial buildings in the American Midwest, adapting the French Romanesque to modern purposes;(f.49) and his later, more explicitly chateau-type hotels and stations suggest familiarity with experiments in the genre by Richard Morris Hunt on city and country sites.(f.50) A generation later, the railway turned for its "classic" Chateau-Style hotel designs to its in-house architect, W.S. Painter, an American trained in Michigan and Pennsylvania. Painter designed the nucleus of what is perhaps the greatest surviving exercise in the "Canadian" Chateau Style -- the present Banff Springs Hotel, begun in 1912-13 (FIGURE 11).(f.51) Furthermore, by the turn of the century the chateau imagery was so identified with the design of Canadian railway hotels that other lines took to it, as well; for instance, the Grand Trunk -- later Canadian Northern -- in its Chateau Laurier in Ottawa, begun in 1908 (FIGURE 5).(f.52) But it certainly seems that the view of the Chateau Style as "distinctively Canadian not only because of its shared British and French roots, but also because Canada was so closely identified with the railways," merits qualification.(f.53) The style became Canadian by adoption, based on a series of precedents of the northern Middle Ages, and more pertinently on the design of hotels and residences in Victorian Britain and late-nineteenth-century America. But is that surprising, given the derivation of so much of Canada's public culture after Confederation? In painting, for example, Dennis Reid shows how the "Canadian national school" of the Landscape Sublime promoted by the British governor-general and his Royal Canadian Academy in the 1880s was largely patterned on the work of the American idealist-luminist "school of Manifest Destiny," especially Albert Bierstadt.(f.54) So it is clear, whatever the rhetoric, that Canada's national culture was deeply compromised from the start -- as, given the country's location, population and cultural traditions, it could hardly fail to be. There is one more crucial link in the chain that binds the "Canadian" Chateau Style to the United States and loosens the tie to Canada. The thesis of the style's Canadianness depends, to a degree, on the fact that after World War I, with the mode already accepted as publicly expressive in hotel-design, the federal government adopted it as the quasi-official style for its own buildings in Ottawa.(f.55) Now, that did happen (FIGURE 6);(f.56) but the pivot-point of its adoption is said to be a comprehensive plan made for Ottawa in 1913-15, which envisioned the Chateau Style as a memorable mode for the federal government (FIGURE 12), analogous to the Neoclassicism of Washington.(f.57) The fly in the ointment, again, is that the initiative for the development came from an American. In 1913 Prime Minister Robert Borden appointed a Federal Plan Commission chaired by a Montreal businessman, Sir Herbert Holt, to study the future layout of Ottawa. The capital was then considered an embarrassment to Canada.(f.58) Under Holt, who was thoroughly acquainted with developments in American architecture and urbanism, including the "City Beautiful" movement then in vogue, the commission chose as its planning consultant a leading exponent of that movement, Edward H. Bennett of Chicago. Bennett had assisted Daniel H. Burnham in replanning several American cities and had graduated to the planning side of Burnham's practice when the older architect died in 1912.(f.59) Bennett was English by birth, and Holt, knowing how sensitive Canadians were to any sign of American pressure, was at pains to point this out to the government in recommending him for the commission.(f.60) Following suit, recent scholars, including myself, have been at pains to emphasize his Englishness, too.(f.61) But in fact, Bennett's upbringing was largely American, in the San Francisco Bay area, and except for brief periods in England in connection with his architectural training in Pads, he had spent his entire career in the United States and was strongly identified with the American movement for the City Beautiful -- so much so that he went on to supervise the layout of that most American of complexes, the Federal Triangle in Washington, begun in 1926.(f.62) This is why Holt wanted him, and the fact that he hailed originally from England was an agreeable bonus that had nothing to do with his qualifications as a planner. So the recommendation -- acknowledged as decisive for the adoption of the Chateau Style in Ottawa -- that "an architectural character with vigourous silhouettes, steep roofs, pavilions and towers" inspired by "the beautiful buildings of Northern France of the 17th century" and "the external architecture of the Chateau Lauder" would be ideal for the design of future federal buildings came from an American architect, whom Burnham had called "a poet with his feet on the ground."(f.63) Thus, again, the Chateau Style seems to be a romantic projection of outsiders, especially Americans, on porous, receptive Canada. Must the thesis of the Canadianism of the Chateau Style, then be wholly discarded? No, for clearly the mode has been wholeheartedly received as Canadian and has become Canadian by adoption and association. Few would dispute the contention that the foster-child has fit into the Canadian family comfortably and even majestically, and to that degree the argument of Rogatnick, Kalman and company still holds up. It must, however, be shaded and inflected with due regard for the Americanness of the channels through which the style -- for by 1900 it was a style -- reached Canada. The railways' image-makers retained American architects and adopted styles conceived for America, but romantically associated with topographical and racial notions of the North, to meet the corporations' and country's need for an iconic national architectural imagery. A generation later, recognizing the beauty and effectiveness of that imagery, the Canadian government in the inter-war period -- especially Mackenzie King -- so to speak expropriated, on Bennett's recommendation, the chateau imagery for its own purposes. In thus appropriating and manipulating imagery, Canada's corporate and governmental elites followed a path already to a degree laid out for them by the earlier symbolic adoption, with still more intense romantic motives, of the British High Victorian Gothic manner skilfully practised by Fuller. It seems, then, that, in architecture at least, a Canadian national identity was initially constructed not from domestic impulse, but to fulfill British and American politico-economic desire, and that Canadians, formed as a nation in that imperialist matrix, went on to wear the garments assigned us by others to represent ourselves to ourselves. NOTES The title's reference is to Abraham Rogatnick, "Canadian Castles: Phenomenon of the Railway Hotel," Architectural Review 141 (1967): 364-72. This article is based on talks given at a symposium, "Architecture and Culture," at the School of Architecture of Carleton University in Sept. 1992, and at the annual meeting of the Universities Art Association of Canada at the University of Victoria in Nov. 1992. For reading or listening to portions of it and offering constructive comment, I am grateful to Rhodri Liscombe, Ariane Isler-de Jongh and John Osborne; for bibliographic suggestions, to Karen Finlay; and for invaluable research assistance, to Karen Shearer and Lenore Hietkamp. Particular thanks are due an unidentified reader for the Journal of Canadian Studies and to Harold Kalman, whose generous comments and suggestions have done much to improve a piece that is, after all, a revision of his own work. f.1. See, for example, Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London and New York: Verso, 1991); and Homi K. Bhabha, ed., Nation and Narration (London and New York: Routledge, 1990). f.2. See the title-essay in Lower, History and Myth: Arthur Lower and the Making of Canadian Nationalism, ed. Wolf H. Heick (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1975) 1-17. f.3. In Architecture in Transition: From Art to Practice, 1885-1906 (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1987) ch. 7 and 8. f.4. On the cultural mood of the times see Robert Bothwell, Ian Drummond and John English, Canada Since 1945: Power, Politics, and Provincialism (Toronto: U. of Toronto Press, 1989) parts 1-3; and Mayor Moore, Reinventing Myself: Memoirs (Toronto: Stoddart Publishing Co., 1994) esp. ch. 7 and 8. As evidence of the growth of Canadian architecture after WW II, note the number of professional journals that began to appear in the 1950s: see Geoffrey Simmins, compiler, Bibliography of Canadian Architecture (Ottawa: Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada, 1992) 7. It can be no coincidence that only then -- indeed, as late as 1963 -- did a team of Canadian architects, Arthur Erickson and Geoffrey Massey, come to serious national and international attention, for their master-plan for Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, BC: see The Architecture of Arthur Erickson, With Text by the Architect (Vancouver and Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 1988) 32-37. f.5. An important exception was young Kenneth Clark, in his The Gothic Revival: An Essay in the History of Taste, which, though best known now in its 1950 edition, first appeared in 1928. Even Clark, though fascinated by the revived Gothic as a phenomenon, was anything but enamoured of Victorian Gothic: of George Gilbert Scott he wrote, archly, that "he believed that he built very good Gothic, we that he built very bad" (ibid., 1950 edition, 251). On the history of criticism of Victorian Gothic, generally, see John Summerson, Victorian Architecture: Four Studies in Evaluation (New York and London: Columbia U. Press, 1970) I. f.6. Pevsner's lecture, "The Picturesque in Architecture," Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects [RIBA], 3rd series, 55 (Dec. 1947): 55-61, may have started the re-examination, which was connected to aspirations in contemporary design. See also Summerson, Heavenly Mansions and Other Essays on Architecture (London: The Cresset Press, 1949) VII, "William Butterfield; or, The Glory of Ugliness"; C.L.V. Meeks, "Picturesque Eclecticism," Art Bulletin 32 (Sept. 1950): 226-35 [recapitulated and updated in idem, The Railroad Station: An Architectural History (New Haven: Yale U. Press, 1956) ch. 1]; Pevsner, The Buildings of England: London, 1 [The Cities of London and Westminster] (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1957) 97-100 and passim; Hitchcock, Early Victorian Architecture in Britain, 2 vols (New Haven: Yale U. Press, 1954) 1: ch. XVII (which I believe to be the first extended, scholarly, and relatively dispassionate, if admiring, account of what it calls "the High Victorian Gothic style-phase"); and idem, Architecture: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1958) ch. 10. f.7. See Peter Ferriday, ed., Victorian Architecture (London: Jonathan Cape, 1963); Summerson, Victorian Architecture (cited in n. 7); George L. Hersey, High Victorian Gothic: A Study in Associationism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. Press, 1972); Stefan Muthesius, The High Victorian Movement in Architecture, 1850-1870 (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972); and Jane Fawcett, ed., Seven Victorian Architects (London: Thames & Hudson, 1976). f.8. See Carolyn Young, The Glory of Ottawa: Canada's First Parliament Buildings (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995); and Harold Kalman, A History of Canadian Architecture, 2 vols (Toronto/New York/Oxford: Oxford U. Press, 1994) 2: 534-41. For the argument that the Centre Block of Parliament married High Victorian Gothic to a symmetrical building-mass inspired by an American state-capitol, see my forthcoming review of Young's book in the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. f.9. See Douglas Richardson et al., A Not Unsightly Building: University College and Its History (Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press for University College, 1990) esp. 121. f.10. The anglophilia of post-war Canadian culture is an idea being developed in a PhD dissertation now in progress at the University of Victoria by Karen Finlay, with the working-title "Vincent Massey: Art and Nationality in Canada." Meanwhile, consult Robert Fulford, "The Canada Council at Twenty-Five," Saturday Night 97.3 (March 1982): 34-45, esp. 36. f.11. Hubbard, "Canadian Gothic," Architectural Review 116 (Aug. 1954): 102-08. Quotations here are from p. 103. f.12. Gowans, Looking at Architecture in Canada (Toronto: Oxford U. Press, 1958) 145. f.13. On this mood see George Grant, Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1965; reprinted 1970); J.L. Granatstein, Canada 1957-1967 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1986) ch. 6 and 8; and Bothwell, et al., Canada Since 1945, ch. 25 and 26. f.14. W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of Achilles (Toronto/Montreal: McClelland & Stewart, 1968) 20819 (the quotation that follows is from p. 209). Shortly before, Gowans had published a newer, grander edition of Looking (see n. 12) called Building Canada: An Architectural History of Canadian Life (Toronto: Oxford U. Press, 1966), repeating, on p. 118, the statement about "Canada's first national style." f.15. National Film Board of Canada, Stones of History: Canada's Houses of Parliament ([Hull, P.Q.]: The Queen's Printer, 1967), unpaginated. For Massey's views on culture see the sources cited in n. 10, above. f.16. On the vexed question of the national and racial character of Gothic see Paul Frankl, The Gothic: Literary Sources and Interpretations Through Eight Centuries (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960). Although associating the Gothic with Northernness is an old practice, it was the Swiss-German art historian Heinrich Woelfflin, in the turn-of-the-century period, who chiefly developed the idea for our time, in his "scientific" effort to identify artistic styles with "races": see his Principles of Art History (1915; 7th ed., New York: Dover Publications, 1929) 67; and, for his comments on the idea, E.H. Gombrich, Norm and Form: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance (Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1985) 91-92. f.17. Canada: Painted by T. Mower Martin R.C.A, Described by Wilfred Campbell LLD (London: A. & C. Black, 1907). For this quotation I am grateful to William E. de Villiers-Westfall, who uses it in his article "The Dominion of the Lord: An Introduction to the Cultural History of Protestant Ontario in the Victorian Period," Queen's Quarterly 83 (Spring 1976): 55. f.18. Though an international trend, the formation of heritage-preservation societies was usually catalyzed by threats to one or two treasured monuments in each city. In Montreal the case of the Shaughnessy Mansion led to the forming of Save Montreal, one of the germs of Phyllis Lambert's ambitious Canadian Centre for Architecture in that city; in Toronto it was Union Station and old City Hall; in Ottawa, the imminent destruction of Rideau Street Convent brought about Heritage Ottawa. The provinces then played key roles in preservation by enacting, usually in the 1970s, protective legislation of greater or less force. See George Kapelos, "Heritage Conservation," in Canadian Encyclopedia II: 981-82. f.19. Douglas Richardson, "The Spirit of the Place: Canadian Architecture in the Victoria Era," Canadian Collector (Sept./Oct. 1975): 27. f.20. Christopher Alexander Thomas, "Dominion Architecture: Fuller's Canadian Post Offices, 188196," MA thesis (Dept of Fine Arts), U. of Toronto, 1978; and idem, "Thomas Fuller (1823-98) and Changing Attitudes to Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Architecture," Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada [hereafter "SSAC"]: Selected Papers, III (1978): 103-47. See also idem, "Architectural Image for the Dominion: Scott, Fuller, and the Stratford Post Office," Journal of Canadian Art History III. 1/2 (Fall 1976): 83-94. f.21. These studies appeared in the series Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History, published by Parks Canada: see Simmins, Bibliography, 12-13. f.22. Brosseau, Gothic Revival in Canadian Architecture, Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History, no. 25 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1980) 7. See also ibid., 20-21. f.23. "Canadian Castles," cited, above. The quotation that follows is from p. 368. The article had a touristic flavour, since millions of visitors to Canada were expected that year and it was hoped that besides seeing Expo 67, they would tour the country. In or about the same year, the Canadian Pacific Railway, which had inaugurated the chateau-hotel type in the late-nineteenth century, opened new hotels, which were chateaux in name if not design, in Montreal and Edmonton. f.24. Harold D. Kalman, The Railway Hotels and the Development of the Chateau Style in Canada, University of Victoria Maltwood Museum Studies in Architectural History, no. 1 (Victoria, 1968). The argument reappears in Kalman's History, 2, 492-98 and 718-22. f.25. Kalman, The Railway Hotels, 31. f.26. On which see W.H. New, A History of Canadian Literature (Basingstoke, Hampshire/London: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1989) ch. 5, esp. 214-28; and idem, "Literature in English," Canadian Encyclopedia, II: 1225-6. "Canlit" probably reached its high-water mark in 1972 with the publication of Margaret Atwood's novel Surfacing (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart) and her critical work Survival: A Thematic Guide to Canadian Literature (Toronto: House of Anansi Press Ltd., 1972). A former student of Jay Macpherson and Northrop Frye, Atwood emphasized -- and continues to emphasize -- the role myth plays in forming collective identity; but since 1980 her nationalism, though at times resurgent -- especially in relation to the Free Trade Agreement with the US -- has been less marked, overshadowed by feminism. See for example the blend of feminist and "national" approaches to myth in Wilderness Tips (1991). f.27. See Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History. Aspects of English-Canadian Historical Writing: 1900-1970 (Toronto: Oxford U. Press, 1976) esp. ch. 5 and 9, on Arthur Lower and Donald Creighton, respectively. f.28. Nobbs and his generation might have been kinder to high- and late-Victorian medievalism had they not been closed to the culture of the period as a whole: see his Architecture in Canada (London: Royal Institute of British Architects, 1924). Eric Ross Arthur, best known for his book Toronto: No Mean City (Toronto and Buffalo: U. of Toronto Press, 1964), taught architecture at the University of Toronto beginning in 1923. In the 1920s and 1930s he and his students researched the late-Georgian remains of Ontario extensively: see, for example, his The Early Buildings of Ontario (Toronto: U. of Toronto Press, 1938). f.29. In fact, it is not easy to say just when the buildings were finished. The Centre Block was occupied, nearly complete, in fall 1865 but not officially opened until 1867, the year of Confederation. Parliament, however, had met in it in 1866. The library at the rear presented special problems and was finished only in 1876. The East and West Blocks came into use at the same time as the central one, but by the mid 1870s the West Block was already undergoing additions so major it is hard to call it "finished" before then. f.30. "The Spirit of the Place," 27. f.31. Thomas, "Dominion Architecture," op. cit., 142-44. f.32. History, 2, 541. f.33. Quoted in Kalman, The Railway Hotels, 10; and idem, History, 495. f.34. On Price (1845-1903), a prominent New York architect of the 1880s and 1890s, see Adolf K. Placzek, ed., Macmillan Encyclopedia of Architects, 4 vols (New York: The Free Press, 1982) III: 476. Examples of his hotel and domestic designs of the earlier 1880s appear in Vincent J. Scully, Jr., The Shingle Style and the Stick Style, rev. ed. (New Haven and London: Yale U. Press, 1971) figs. 105-7. f.35. Liscombe, "Nationalism or Cultural Imperialism? The Chateau Style in Canada," Architectural History 36 (1993): 127-44. f.36. Earl Pomeroy, in In Search of the Golden West: The Tourist in Western America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957) "photo-album," n.p., shows somewhat similar railway hotels built in mountain and seaside locations in the US, before and after the CPR's use of the type. f.37. Hubbard, "Viceregal Influences on Canadian Society," in Morton, Shield of Achilles, 256 -- 74; Reid, "Our Own Country Canada": Being an Account of the National Aspirations of the Principal Landscape Artists in Montreal and Toronto 1860-1890 (Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada/National Museums of Canada, 1979) esp. ch. X. f.38. Article cited in n. 35, above. f.39. For instance, in the Royal Victoria Hospital, Montreal, built with the aid of the largely Scots financial gentry of Montreal and opened in 1897. f.40. Dufferin, governor-general from 1872 to 1878, was romantically drawn to Quebec. At his own expense, he had retained an Irish Gothic Revival architect, W.H. Lynn, to visit the city and prepare plans both to modernize its layout and to retain and romantically embellish the remains of its old walls and gates: see Achille Murphy, "Les projets d'embellissements de la ville de Quebec proposes par Lord Dufferin en 1875," Journal of Canadian Art History 1.2 (Fall 1974): 18-29. f.41. See Berger, The Writing of Canadian History, 4; and Parkman, France and England in North America, 2 vols (New York: Library. of America, 1983). See also Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., The Parkman Reader (Boston/Toronto: Little, Brown & Co., 1955). f.42. In 1898 Van Home dedicated a very chateau-like hotel and station at Place Viger in the French east end of Montreal "a la gloire de la race canadienne-francaise": quoted in Kalman, The Railway Hotels, 16. f.43. Architecture in Canada, 6. f.44. See Carl Berger, Imperialism and Nationalism, 1884-1914: A Conflict in Canadian Thought (Toronto: Copp Clark Publishing Co., 1989) esp. introduction. f.45. Crossman, Architecture in Transition, ch. 1. f.46. SSAC, Selected Papers, 2 (1977) 46-64. f.47. Ibid., 51-52. f.48. See Harold Kalman and Susan Wagg, eds., The Architecture of Edward and W.S. Maxwell (Montreal: Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, 1991); and Isabelle Gournay, ed., Ernest Cormier and the Universite de Montreal (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 1990). On the whole, Cormier and the Maxwells served different elites -- French and English, respectively. f.49. On the work of Richardson, for whom Price had worked, esp. the Allegheny County Buildings, Pittsburgh and the Marshall Field Wholesale Store, Chicago -- both of the early to mid- 1880s -- see Jeffrey Ochsner, H.H. Richardson: Complete Architectural Works (Cambridge/London: MIT Press, 1982) 325-36 and 380-84. f.50. On Hunt's city and country houses in the chateau style, several of which antedate Price's in Canada, see Susan R. Stein, ed., The Architecture of Richard Morris Hunt (Chicago/London: U. of Chicago Press, 1986) ch. 8. f.51. In the same years Painter also designed the first wing of the present Chateau Lake Louise -- not as a chateau! -- and embarked on building the Hotel Vancouver (1912-16), in its incarnation before the present one: see Kalman, Railway Hotels, 21-22. On the latter project, Painter worked with another American architect, Francis S. Swales, known in the profession for his series on "Master Draftsmen" in the American professional journal Pencil Points. f.52. This was, however, designed by the Montreal firm of Ross & MacFarlane: Kalman, Railway Hotels, 19 and fig. 16. f.53. Kalman, A History of Canadian Architecture, II, 720. f.54. Reid, "Our Own Country Canada," 290-95. f.55. See Kalman, Railway Hotels, 23ff. f.56. Besides the Confederation Building, shown in Fig. 6, other examples of the style's later use in Ottawa are the headquarters of the Justice Department (1935-8), the Supreme Court of Canada (1938-9) and the Memorial Buildings (1949-58) -- all facing Wellington Street and west of Parliament Hill -- and the Central Post Office, of 1937, southeast of the Hill; on these, see Harold Kalman and John Roaf, Exploring Ottawa: An Architectural Guide to the Nation's Capital (Toronto/Buffalo/London: U. of Toronto Press, 1983) tour A. f.57. Kalman, The Railway Hotels, 23-4; and idem, A History of Canadian Architecture, II: 720. f.58. The plan was published as: Report of the Federal Plan Commission on a General Plan for the Cities of Ottawa and Hull (Ottawa, 1916). Secondary sources are: Wilfred Eggleston, The Queen's Choice: A Story of Canada's Capital (Ottawa, 1961) 167-70; Douglas H. Fullerton, The Capital of Canada: How Should It Be Governed?: A Special Study of the National Capital, 2 vols (Ottawa: 1974) I: 11-12, and II: 394-5; Kalman, The Railway Hotels, 23-4 and fig. 21; idem, A History of Architecture in Canada, II: 652; and Christopher A. Thomas, "'The Washington of the North': Canada, the City Beautiful, and the Planning of Ottawa, 1899-1915," MA qualifying paper (History of Art), Yale University, 1984. f.59. Daniel Burnham had been Director of Works for the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 and had gone on to develop "comprehensive" plans for Washington, San Francisco, Manila, Chicago and other cities -- projects in which Bennett assisted him. On Burnham see Charles Moore, Daniel H. Burnham, Architect, Planner of Cities, 2 vols (Boston/New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1921); and Thomas H. Hines, Burnham of Chicago: Architect and Planner (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1979). On Bennett (1874-1954) see Macmillan Encyclopedia of Architects, I: 179; Pencil Points VI (Aug. 1925): 42-56; and Joan E. Draper, Edward H. Bennett: Architect and City Planner, 18741954 (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1982). f.60. Public Archives of Canada, RG 19, vol. 551, file 142-1, part 1: letter Holt to White, 20 Jan. 1914. f.61. In A History of Canadian Architecture, II: 652, Kalman calls Bennett "an Englishman who had been trained at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and had years of experience in the United States." In "'Washington of the North,'" 8, I -- wrongly, I now realize -- called him "not really American at all, but English." f.62. See Pamela Scott and Antoinette J. Lee, Buildings of the District of Columbia (New York and Oxford: Oxford U. Press, 1993) 167-8. f.63. Quoted in Moore, Daniel H. Burnham, II: 57.