"Communists love Canada!": The Communist Party of Canada, the "people" and the Popular Front, 1933-1939

Journal of Canadian Studies, Winter 2002 by John Manley

Over the winter of 1935-36, party leaders demonstrated their determination to build trade union unity by rapidly "liquidating" the WUL, a move they had hitherto resisted against quiet pressure from the Comintern (CPC, Towards 170-72, 18187; Manley "Class Warrior"). In 1936 the Political Bureau directed all sections to establish open Club Rooms and to reorganize everyday party life, accelerating a reorientation away from semi-clandestine workplace activity and towards more consistent electoral intervention. Unit meetings were to become what they had rarely been: "interesting, short, free of dull routine and full of lively political discussion." Older members were to be "caring" in their relations with newcomers, "helping and correcting where help is needed" rather than bullying them into ideological conformity or overloading them with a multiplicity of "tasks." Work for new members was to be "on a VOLUNTARY basis for the first few weeks." Educational work was to be carried on regularly at every level to "raise the political level" and increase political commitment. "De-Bolshevization" was formally completed in 1938, when the party dissolved its trade union fractions and urged communist trade unionists to admit their party membership whenever possible, to "mix more freely with the [union] rank and file" and to bring up issues in trade union meetings openly, "not from behind as many are prone to do." Leaders predicted that these changes would improve attendance at meetings, produce a growing and more diverse membership, reduce "fluctuation" (turnover) and ensure that the typical branch secretary was not a mere "dues-collector and general factotum" but an "all-sided, well balanced and politicized" cadre - a potential community leader (McKean, NA,CCE reel K-291, file 187; Carr 42-60; Kealey and Whitaker 224-26; Smith, "Party" 61-75; Morris; Napier 22).

Every comrade was expected to participate in the re-making of the party. All had to make a positive political and personal impression on workmates and neighbours by making their lifestyles more rather than less conventional. Prescriptive articles such as "How Does a Communist Hold Down a Job?" idealized the local cadre who was a good worker and workmate and who offered unobtrusive leadership marred neither by adventurism, condescension towards the politically unenlightened, or personal eccentricity. Party representatives could no longer look like hoboes or bohemians (Palmer 51; Hunter 47; Manley "Class Warrior"). Leaders of progressive children's groups had to "set a good example to the children in tidiness, cleanliness, and posture" (National Children's Council 5). Members could not "ignore ... the good impression that can be given to the public by the neat and tidy appearance of homes and dress." Too many Canadians had the idea that communists were people "who live like pigs, dress like tramps and have no manners." Sometimes, "some basis is given for such false ideas, and not in all such cases is this unavoidable." Example was seen as "the finest propaganda medium there is, and we should not expect, nor allow, women or men comrades to neglect their homes or families because of 'too much Party work' ... wherever we are, whatever we do, whatever we say, we are [party] representatives ... and as such we have the responsibility of raising its prestige and bringing it before the public eye in a pleasing manner" (Post). Setting a moral example was just as important. The party established the Central Control Commission (CCC) in 1938 to invigilate and correct "moral looseness" and "moral degeneracy," especially among leaders whose lapses would undermine their "ability to serve our cause" and bring discredit on the Party (CPC, Central Control Commission; Weisbord 89-90).